Skip to main content

Full text of "Oriental Studiesin Honour Of Cursetji Erachji Pavry"

See other formats






Jn fjonour of 

Cursetji Erachji Pavry 







Comioirr 1933 






Dasturji £a!)fb Cursrtji ISrarfjii tfabrg 






distinguished Parsi High Priest and author, celebrated the 
seventieth anniversary of his birthday on the 9th April 1929. In 
commemoration of the happy occasion, and in recognition of his 
eminent position in the world of Zoroastrian literature, the Dasturji’s 
colleagues and friends in many lands decided to bring out a 
volume of Oriental studies in his honour. 

At the suggestion of these colleagues and friends, I undertook the 
pleasant task of editing the volume. An invitation was sent out 
in the April of 1929 to all the distinguished Orientalists of the 
world. The response was immediate and overwhelming. The 
present volume is the result of the co-opcration of seventy of the 
world’s foremost Orientalists, from no less than seventeen different 

A mere glance at the list of contributors will be sufficient to show 
the extent and importance of this great work of scholarship on 
Oriental subjects, dealing with languages, literature, history, philo- 
sophy, religion, ethics, and the arts. It is not too much to say that 
never has there been assembled together in one enterprise such a 
wealth of learning on Oriental subjects as ii represented here. No 
attempt has been made, moreover, to increase the bulk of the volume 
by the inclusion either of already published articles or of translations 
of published articles. All the seventy articles here included are 
the carefully considered contributions of experts, and have been 
specially written for the volume. 

Before closing these prefatory remarks, I wish to thank each and 
all of the distinguished contributors, without whose generous co- 
operation it would not have been possible to bring out the present 
volume. To my friend and teacher. Professor A. V. Williams 
Jackson, who generously devoted much time to writing the Bio- 
graphical Sketch of the Dasturji, my thanks are especially due. 


London, i October 1930. 


Preface vii 

Biographical Sketch by A. V. Williams Jackson .... xiii 

Bibi.iocrapht or Works xvi 

Congratulatory Addresses from Learned Societies . . . xvii 


P. K. Achasya 3 

Indo-Pcrsun Architecture. 

Shigerc Araki 14 

A Note on Vc n dldid. 

H. W. Bailey 21 

Iranian Verba in -« and -p. 

LeRoy Carr Barjutt 26 

Three Versions of an Atharnn Hymn. 

W. Barthold 29 

Der iranischc Buddhismus und acin Verhiltaii ram Islam. 

H. Bauw 32 

Harpatqd ‘MubaaT aua pahlari ker patkdr. 


Pchlevi asla^cdn ‘os’. 

Alfred Berthoutt 34 

Der Schutzengel Peniens. 

Frank R. Blake 4* 

The Relation between Indo-European and Semitic. 

E. Blochtt 49 

Quelques notea * propoa de I'Arda Vuif Nima. 

Georob W. Briggs 55 

Brief Outline of Indo- Iranian Contact*. 

W. Oalaxd 6« 

Three notes on Avcata. 

Maurice A. Cannhy 63 

Ancient Conceptions of Kingship* 

Jarl Chart entier ... 76 

BcilraKe zur indoiraniachen Etymologic. 

Hermann 86 

KOnig Yiraa und Saturn. 


C. A. F. Rhys Davids 

Urvan and the DevadOta Sutta. 


R. P. Dewhotst 

The Gathk Hymn Yaana XLVI. 

Bamanji N. Dhabhar 

The Pahlavi Word dost paurf. 

Gabriel F errand ...... • • 


Albrecht GOtz* 

SunaHura— an Indian king of Kizwatna. 

Hermann GUnieet 

Concerning lome words of the Areata. 

Ernbt Hbrzfiui 

The Traditional Date of Zoroaster. 



Shavurii Kavabji Hodivala 

The InfliKnce of Sanskrit Writing* in the Dinkard. 

E. Washbcrn HORM 

The Cult of Fire in Chrutkmty. 

J. Horovitz 

Hebrew* Iranian Synchronism!. 

M. Hidatet IIosain 

The Draws, their Origin. Manners, and Customs. 

A. V. Williams Jackson 

The Manichacan Fragment S. 8 in Turfan Pahlavi. 

F. J. Foakes Jackson 

The Influence of Iran upon Early Judaism and Christianity. 

Paul Kahlk 

Nautiscbe Instramente dcr Araber im Indiachen Ozean 

Gen chi Kato 

Zoroastrianism and the ShintS Religion of Japan. 

A. Berried ale Keith 

The Home of the Indo-European? . 

Roland G. Kent .... 
The Name A hn ra m 

Charles A. K^caid .... 

A Persian Princc^Aotiociius r pjp ^8np<- 

IX 5 









* 5 * 










Sten Konow 

A Note on the Salas and Zoroastrianism. 

Carl H. Kraelino 

The Influence of Iranian Religion upon Hellenistic Syncretism in 
the Orient. 

Emil G. H. Kraelino 

Some Babylonian and Iranian Mythology in the Seventh Chapter 
of Dtnitl* 

J. II. Kramers 

The 1 Dab*’ in the Gathas. 

BomtoLD Laqfex 

The Nona or Persian Wheel. 

C. F. Lehmann- Ha ukt 

Wann lebte Zarathultia ? 








Herman Ixjmmel 281 

Contributions to an Interpretation of the Gathaa. 

D. S. Marcolxouth 286 

The Poems of Mihyar the Dailemite. 

N. Martinovitch 293 

Zoroaster and Abdul Balia. 

R. de Mecquenkm 296 

Remarks on the Hall of Columns and Royal Tombs at Peracpolia . 

A. Mkillet 30a 

Sur le noro de Babylon dans I’Aveata. 

JrvANjt Jamshedji Modi 303 

The Historical Importance of the Parsre Fihreats. 

B. Nikitins 305 

Notes sur 1c Kurde. 

H. S. Ntbero 336 

la lrgende de KeresSspa. 

Hann 3 Oertel 353 

f he Background of the Pantheistic Monism of the Ilpani^ads. 

Charles J. Ogden 361 

A Note on the Chronology of the BehistQn Inscription of Darius. 

A. T. Olmstead 366 

Ahura Mazda in Assyrian. 

A. Pagliaro 373 

Notes on the Ilistory of the Sacred Fires of Zoroastrianism . 



0. Pertold 386 

Fulcra of Spiritualism in the Zarathushtrian Religion. 

J. Prztlusxi 390 

Le nom de l’enfer en Sanskrit. 

Edward Robertson 392 

The Syrian Sbc\ (February) with his (jimfr and his MuilaqrafaU. 

A. H. Sayce 399 

Indians in Western Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.c. 

1. ScHEFmowrrz 403 

Stamrnt der Religion&ttifter Mini aus dem iranischen Herrscher- 
haus der Arsakiden. 

P. Schmidt 405 

Persian Dualism in Far Hast. 

Wou-oano Schulte 407 

Die Gtittin Rrii im Awcsta rait vergleichendm Ausblicken nach 
Indien und Hellas. 

P. Scuwaiu 434 

Bcmcrkungtu zu den arabischcn Nachrichtcn uber Balkh. 


Zwci Awes tawdrier. 

G 6 n von Sblli 450 

Martin Haug in Poona. 

C. A. Storey 457 

The beginnings of Persian priming in India. 

Irach J. S. Taraporkwaia 462 

A difficult Gift! Verse— Yasna XXIX. 7. 

Edward J. Thomas 467 

Recent Theories of Non-Iranian Elements in Ancient Persian. 

J. M. Unyala 472 

Ncryosangh's Sanskrit Version of Yasna XIX. 

J. D. L. db Vriis 482 

Purina Studies. 


The title 'King of Kings’. 

H. de Willman-Grabowska 491 

Lc Mah-Yait, priere a la lune. 

David Yellin 501 

The mention of ’Fire’ in Isaiah and the downfall of Sennacherib. 






I ACCOUNT it a special privilege to have been invited to write a brief 
sketch of the life and works of Dasuitji Cureetji Erachji Pavry, the dis- 
tinguished Parsi prelate and scholar, in whose honour the present volume of 
studies by well-known Orientalists has been prepared. The pleasure I feel in 
composing this biographical outline as a Foreword has been enhanced by 
the fact that for four years I had hia son, Dr. Jal Pavry, MA., Ph.D., as 
a pupil at Columbia University, and his daughter, Mias Bapsy Pavry, MA., 
as my student likewise for some time. These two devoted pupils have helped 
to make closer the tic that binds me with their scholarly father, with whom 
I haw long been in correspondence. 

A few words concerning the family history and connexions of Dasturji Paviy 
may be of interest.' He was bom of a priestly family at Navsaii, the early 
stronghold of Zoroastrianism in India, on 9 April 1859. His father, Ervad 
Erachji Pavry, ranked as • ’priest of priests' (mOUdOn mobed) among the 
Zoroastrians of that pontifical centre, and to this position Dasturji Pavry 
succeeded after his father's death, to be followed in office later by one of his 
younger brother* when he himself was called into a larger sphere of scholar- 
ship and service. Daaturji Pavry haa three sons and three daughters, all happily 
living. He is a Zamindar (landowner) of Gujarat, having large estate* both in 
the British territory and in the Baroda State. 

The now honoured Dastur received hia early education in the public and 
private schools of Navsari and was ordained to the Zoroastrian priesthood in 
1871 at the age of twelve. It is recorded that at that age he had learned by 
heart the entire Aventa, and he can even now recite it from cover to cover, 
without mistake, besides being able rapidly to repeat the first words of all the 
chapters and even of the sections. This ready concordance has always stood 
him in good stead, and the early liturgical training under his father, followed 
by lopg years of experience in performing religious ceremonies, has made him 
one of the foremost authorities on the Zoroastrian ritual. His more specialized 
training in scholarship he owed to two worthy pioneer* in Pare: learning, no 
longer living. It waa Ervad Sheriarji D. Bhanichi. noted also as a Sanskrit 
scholar, who introduced him to Iranian studies in a broader sense. Bharucba 

' For a rnunba of d«aJ» in thii ,k*«h I am indebted to d«t» kindly furaiihed by tome of 
my Parti friend t end to mat'll ■! romt tried in Mr. G. K Sinmu'i introduction to Dtatur 
Pavry’. Irardan SluJia, Bombay. 19*7, a. wel M to information gfemd from thort article, in 
the Indian Daily MaO, 8 April 1029. and in the Tima /«&*. 17 Jane 19 = 9 . »= April 1930. 
ao July 19J0. 

xiv A Biographical Sketch 

had in turn been a pupil of the noted K. R. Cama, who was the first Pars: to 
study in Germany and bring back from Europe something of the scientific 
approach to the Avesta. Both of these pioneers, each distinguished in his own 
line of work, held the young man in high esteem, and Bharucha always 
accounted it a piece of good fortune to be able to c la im as his pupil a scholar of 
such outstanding qualities. 

The young scholar’s career leading up to the High-Priesthood was gradual 
but assured. In 1889, at the age of thirty, he was appointed as the first 
Principal of the Zend Pahlavi Madressa (Zoroastrian Theological Seminary) 
at Navsan. This was the earliest Parsi institution of its kind in India, while 
others have since been established at Udvada and in Bombay. Many of the 
young clerics who were educated under his principalship now occupy high 
positions in the priestly order. After discharging with distinction his duties as 
Principal of the Madressa for several years be was appointed to be High-Pricat 
of the Partis at Looavla, in t9ia. That office he filled with remarkable success, 
and in 1920 he was elected to 1 * the first High-Priest of the Fasali Sect 
(Reform Section) of the Parsis in Bombay. This merited choice was due in 
part to the petition he has consistently maintained between the extreme con- 
servatives and the radical reformers among the Parsis. In a complimentary 
Address presented to him by the Parsis of Navsari on the occasion of hi* being 
elevated to the office, 1 1 December 1920, he was acclaimed at ‘a great man 
with exceptional gifts; a great ambition, with nothing selfish about it; a great 
career, without any self-seeking’. The illuminated Address, printed on pure 
silk, was presented In a beautiful stiver casket. 

All hi* life Da*:uiji Pavry has given himself devotedly and without ostenta- 
tion to the service of the Parsi community to which lie belongs, and his name 
ia associated with various important endowments. Mention need only be 
made of the Society for the Propagation of Zoroastrian Knowledge (BazmB 
JaahanC Ru z^ Hormazd),of which he was the founder, followed by similar Parsi 
societies organized elsewhere in India; and he holds likewise a trusteeship on 
the board of the Foundation for the Betterment of the Zoroastrian Community 
(the Mullan Anjuman Behtari Fund). Moreover, his scholarly knowledge and 
wide experience in regard to all ceremonial subjects has msde his opinion 
sought, not only by the laity and the priesthood, but at times also even by the 
learned high-priests. He has ably supported his view* by writing numerous 
vrorkB on Zoroastrian subjects, as the appended Bibliography will show. It is 
fervently to be hoped that he may continue to be a guide to his community and 
receive from it still further honours. 

In the course of a long life the Dasmr has been the recipient of many marks 
of distinction, not only at home but frem abroad. Among the latest of these 
are the First Class of the Order of Merit (S’fshSni Elnd i Darajjl Avcal ) from 
the Persian Government, bestowed upon him an the occasion of his seventieth 
birthday by His Majesty Reza Shah Pahlavi, in rccogniticn of Dasturji Paviy's 
eminent position in the world of Zoroastrian literature, the Honorary 
Membership of the Magyar- IndiaiTirsasig (elected 1930), and the Congratu- 
latory Addresses received from Soci6te d 'Ethnographic dc Paris, Czccho- 

A Biographical Sketch xv 

Slovak Oriental Society, Sodeta di Studi italiani di Filologia indo-iranica 
Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, Mdji Society of Japan, and 
Sori6t6 Gcographique i Teheran, 1930. 

The present volume, comprising articles brought together in his honour by 
many scholars, is the newest tribute. In offering this as a mark of regard, each 
of the contributors and all his other friends unite in wishing him a prolonged 
life amid enduring happiness. While it might seem cut of place to employ 
anything Manichxan in a volume in honour of a Zoroastrian High-Priest, 
I cannot refrain from quoting a beneficent wish that always lies deep in the 
heart of tnan, and has found expression in a Turfan Pahlavi Fragment: 

'Mayest thou remain sound in body 
and be liberated in aoul; 

Mayest thou live long — for many years — 
together with thy children! 

Tcmha dirts! 'istiy 
ad pad nr.dn Ukhlag body; 

abdg hhUtlsin tObsnagan. 


new Toiuc errr. 


Dastluji Pavrt is the author of a number of works on Zoroastrian subjects, 
the chief of which are listed below. He writes in Gujarati, and in a style whose 
purity and force are a model for Parsi authors. One of the longer of these 
works has already been made availahle in English, and translations of others 
are expected soon to follow and will be welcomed. 

RAM Zartboshti. A Zoroasirian Catechism. Part One. First Edition: 
Bombay, 1901. Second Edition: Bombay, 1931. 

Rflhfi Zarthoshti. A Zoroastrian Ca te c hi s m . Part Two. First Edition: 
Bombay, 19C2. Second Edition: Bombay, 1932. 

Va'zfi Khurshed. Sermons and Lectures on Zoroastrian Subjects. First 
Series. Bombay, 1904. 

Res&luhS Khurslied. Essays and Addresses on Zoroistrisn Subjects. Second 
Series. Bombay, 1917. 

Rrsfllahfi Khurahed. Essays and Addresses on Zoroastrian Subjects. Third 
Series. Bombay. 1921. 

RaaAlahS Khurahed. Essays and Addresses on Zoroastrian Subjects. Fourth 
Series. In preparation. 

Zarthoshti Sflhltya Abbyia. Zoroastrian Studies. First Series. Bombay, 

Iranian Studies. Essays and Addreaac* on Zoroastrian Subjects. Translated 
from the Gujarati. First Scries. Bombay, 1927. 

Zarthoshti SShltya \bhjil. Zoroastrian Studies. Second Series. Bombay, 
19 * 7 - 

Zarthoshti SObltya AbhySs. Zoroastrian Studies. Third Series. In 


A. V. W. J. 


As already noted, Dasturji Parry his been the happy recipient of Congratula- 
tory Addresses from six of the world’s prominent Learned Societies, on the 
occasions of the seventieth and seventy-first anniversaries of his birthday and 
in recognition of his eminent position in the world of Zoroastrian literature. 
The names of these Learned Societies are here given, together with those of 
the Officers of the Societies who signed the Congratulatory Addresses, in 
accordance with the resolutions which have been passed unanimously. They 
are arranged in the order in which they were received, as follows: 

(x) From the Sociit i G&graphique k Teheran, signed by Professor Paul V. 
Serebriakov-Elbouraky, Pr/sident, Professor Mme E. Rosenstcin, Seai- 
taire Ginhal . and Mile A. Eltchaninon, Secritaire Adjotnt. 

(а) From the Societi di Studi italiani di Fildogii indo-iranica, signed by 

Professor Francesco Lo rente Pulle, Dir et tore. 

(3) From the Czechoslovak Oriental Society, signed by Professor B. Hrozn?, 

Vice-President, and Dr. Frantikk Lexa, Secretary. 

(4) From the Sorffet d’Ethaographie de Paris, signed by M. Louis Marin, 

(5) Fsom the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, signed by Professor 
Maurice A. Canncy, Secretary. 

(б) From the Mciji Society of Japan, signed by Professor Gcnchi Kato, 


A. V. W. J. 

rama mm resit:!! kictitute. 




‘■pREQUENT allusions lo the inhabitants of the western rone of the Iran 
-L plateau are found in Assyrian documents from about the eighth century 
n.c. They belonged to the Aryan family and were closely related to the lndo- 
Aryan . The kinship existing between the two branches was unsuspected by 
antiquity, and is clear beyond doubt to modern science, which bases its con- 
clusions on the striking resemblance observable in the languages, the religious 
ideas, and even the original rites, and physical characteristics of the Indo- 
Aryans and Persians.’ 

These linguistic, religious, and physical resemblances seem to have induced 
several scholars and historians, including archaeologists, to seek further re- 
semblance between the Persian and the Indian architecture. The procedure of 
investigation appears to have been based on a larger assumption that in all 
matters of refinement and culture the West must have been the creditors and 
the East the borrowers, 'rhe possibility of indigenous growth was never taken 
into consideration except in case of the Veda. 

The admission made in this connexion by Kennedy is free and frank : 

’The prehistoric age in India is distinguished, not by periods of stone 
and copper and bronze, but by the spread of the Aryans, the consolida- 
tion of societies, and the elaboration of a cult. With the sixth and fifth 
centuries B.C., we reach the commencement of personal and dated history, 
and a great creative era — the age of Mahlvfra and of Buddha. But the 
material preceded the spiritual. The first stir of that new life aroac from the 
contact with Western civilization; the breath of inspiration came from 
Babylon, and then from Persia. When the Greeks arrived they found great 
and civilized peoples whose learning and whose capitals aroused their ad- 
miration. The records of tha: civilization were written on palm-leaves and 
on bark, or exhibited in bride and wood — things perishable, which have 
periahed ; and we are perforce reduced to search painfully among the flotsam 
and jetsam of time for any vestiges of the grandeur of antiquity . 1 
Then follow* an interesting note : 

’The progress of the Indians was necessarily of the slowest, for Persia 
could supply them with scarcely any models, and they had to discover 
everything themselves .' 1 

‘©f the decoration of the earlier Buddhist monasteries we know practically 
nothing, but the decoration of the later Vihira caves, of Nil and*. and of the 
Sangharamas of Gandhara was Persian, and that not so much after the 
fashion of the Sassanians as of the Achxmenids. There is the same lavish 
employment of colour, the use of enamelled or metallic tiles upon the roof, 
the guilded rafters and elaborately painted ceilings, the rich capitals of the 
pillars, the application of inlaying. The two schemes of decoration arc 
substantially the same . 11 

* JRAS , 1S9S. p. a «7 * lbid . PP- l8 *S 

4 P. K. Ackarya 

*To the general question, then, concerning the direct influence of Babylon 
on Indian art, we must answer “no”.’ But Kennedy thinks that 'a direct in- 
fluence mav be traced in one particular class of buildings and one particular 

locality - the Buddhist Vihira cares of Western India The four- or five- 

storied Viharas . . . undoubtedly recall the impression of a Babylonian Zigurat 
or temple, but arc hollow throughout and built of wood’. In a note Kennedy 

‘Fcrgusson has attempted 1 to connect certain Burmese and Sinhalese 
dagobis with the Babylonian type, and has suggested that connecting links 
once existed in brick and plaster in the valley of the Ganges. But there are 
two objections: (i) Had massive buildings of solid brick, either temples or 
viharas, ever existed in the valley of the Gauges, they could not fail to have 
left their traces, as the stupas have done, (a) The Indian buildings, so far as 
we know (apart from the stupas, which are not buildings at all), were not 
solid, but hollow.’* 

‘The Babylonian Zigurata represented exactly on a Urge scale the same 
idea of a mountain . . . The stoned rihira of India, with their retreating 
stages, are also imitation mountains. The artificial mountain of the Indians 
wan necessarily a hollow shell . because all their construction* were of brick 

and wood But the towering Vihira became a very different structure 

from the solid stories of the Zigurat, for India has rarely borrowed any- 
thing which she has not altered in adopting it.’ 

Thia is a very convenient assumption. Kennedy himaelf admits that when 
he says ’but we may conjecture that Zigurat and Vihira had a common origin', 
but he is generous to confess that ‘the* speculations may be fanciful’; and he 
‘will not deny it'.* 

Thus Grilnwedel and Burge** hold that 

'the Persian style, which the Achsemenides employed in their building* at 
Susa and Persepolia, ha* inherited West Asian forms in its constructive as 
well as in its decorative features. Thia Persian style, which shows many 
peculiarities, is unfortunately represented only by a few monuments upon 
which it is almost impossible to pronounce judgement. But undoubtedly its 
elements may again be recognized in the buildings of Atoka’s day and of the 
older Indian style, dependent on that of Asoka, a* grafted upon the native 
wooden style.' 

'As chief dements, the following forms may be indicated The Persian 
pillar with bcll-shapcd capital was adopted directly ; it was set up by itself as 
an inscription -pillar ; the famous iron pillar of Delhi is a later example. In 
sculpture* it is seen not only in representation of palace-halls, but also 
decoratively — often to divide spaces, and with many interesting variant*. 
The beil-capital frequently serves as a basis for one or more lions or 
elephants, or for a religious symbol (e.g. the wheel) when the pillar is con- 
sidered as standing alone. If the pillar is used as a support in a building, the 

■ Hiilor, e/rxdian ArdauttMn, pp. so*. 6s8 ; u»d Cow TmpUt of India, p. 34. 

* Ibid., p. a8j. * Ibid., pp. 285, *86, *87. 

Indo-Persian Architecture 5 

bell-capital serves as base for ar. abacus on which, turned towards the sides, 
winged figures of animals (winged horses, gazelles, goats, lions, or sitting 
elephants) are placed. This last form resembles the Persian “unicorn- 
pillar”. The appearance cf the whole pillar in India, however, is rough and 
clumsy compared with Persian forms.’* 

Fcrgusson detects Persian influence on pillars in front of the Bedsa cave, 
south of Karlc: 

•The two pillars in front, however, sre to much too large in proportion to 
the rest, that they are evidently stambhas, and ought to stand free instead of 
supporting a verandah. Their capitals are more like the Pcrscpobtan type 
than almost any other in India, and are each surmounted by horses and 
elephants bearing men and women of bold and free execution.’ 

In a note he, further, adds that 

'in the PitaUchora vihlra, we And the Pemepolitan capital repeated with a 
variety of animals over it; for the Hindu artists, from their nstursl sptitude 
for modifying and adopting forms, very soon replaced the bicephalous bull 
and ram of the Persian columns by a groit variety of animals, sphinxes, and 
even human figures in the most grotesque attitudes.' 1 

Of the more recent advocates of the Persian theory. Sir John Marshall is 
stated by Dr. Spooner to have inferred from the Samath capital 'that Mauryan 
stonework had been wrought by foreign masons'.* Dr. Spooner himself lias 
gone much farther, and the idea which was ‘almost within the grasp of Fer- 
gusaon but missed’ altogether possessed him (Spooner), and he could not 
think of anything but Persian in the Mauryan period of Indian history .* He 
imagined to have explored everything as the result of hi* excavation at 
Kumrahar, Patna, which, however, did not proceed farther than its initial 
stage and could not unearth anything but a portion of a badly damaged pillar 
and the footmark of what he imagined to be a hall. Starting with a precon- 
ceived idea that 'the style of Asoka’s sculptured capitals originated in Pcr- 
sepolis he began to see at the very outset “the peculiar Persian polish in the 
columns" some twenty-three hundred years after their erection and (from this 
polish) it seemed to him "not impossible that even in ita design the building 
(i.c. the hall, of which only the footmark* remain) might have been under 
Persian influence.” ’ The Hall of a hundred columns at Persepolis, which is 
discussed later on, was a square hall with ten rows of ten columns evenly 
spaced in square bays. 'At Pataliputra,' Spooner himself emphatically de- 
clares, ‘to be sure, we had only eight rows,’ but he consoles himself with an 
equally emphatic assumption that 'there was every reason to suppose that 
others would be found, and possibly evidence for a porch as well, to correspond 

1 Buddhin An m India. pp. 17-18. Foe iiuimiou tet Cunningham. Arch. Sxr. M. 
Bfpon, v. plates XLV. XL VI. pp. 187. 188; Burgos. Ank. Sia. W. lnd^ IV. pp. j. is; and 
Cons TtmpUs, Plata XVI. XXIII. XCVL 

> Jlutay of Infant and Eatlm, Anhiltct*?*. L 1 j8- 
* JRAS. ,9,5. p. 66. 

* Sec pp. 38-39. 

6 P. K. Acharya 

with the porch in Persepolia*. He. further, admits that ‘the intercolumnation 
at Kumrahar was found to be five diameters ; to intcrcclumnation not identical, 
perhaps, with that of the Persian throne-room, but still’, holds Dr. Spooner, 
‘one which is essentially PersepoUtan, and never found in any other country of 
antiquity’. So far as the capitals are concerned, of which there appears to be. 
striking similarity, as has even been pointed out by all authorities, Spooner 
admits that 'No capitals had been recovered in Patna to help us in comparing the 
two buildings, nor had any pedestals been met with’. Spooner acknowledged 
the importance of the existence of capitals when he says that * 1 1 may be true that, 
so far as Indian architecture is concerned, the only substantial point showing 
Persian influence is the capital*. I Ie further admits thit ’it may be true that no 
architectural plan in India, nor any type of building, as a whole, has hitherto 
been known which one could say was based directly on a Persian model’, but yet, 
undeterred even by this consideration, Dr. Spooner goes on to build his castle, 
of assumption and declares that ‘a careful study of the stratification suggested 
that pedestals had, in all probability, existed, and the indicated dimensions 
and proportions justified the thought that these pedestals must have been 
themselves of Persepolitan type, round in plan, some 3 feet high, and inferen- 
tially bell-shaped, though a s regards this latter point’ he is forced to admit 
that 'no evidence exists'. 1 

Here it is necessary to observe that not a single monument of recognizahle 
condition is available in Persia : everything has been in ruins which were seen 
by historians, and of which many objects have been cleverly restored by several 
archeologists from scanty material* but fertile imagination. But the restorers 
do not agree amongst themselves. The actual condition of the ruins, and the 
manner of their restoration are pointed out liter on. 

As more tangible similarity between the Persian and the Indian architecture 
is apparent in the capital* of columns, it will he peihaps better to take into 
consideration this object to begin with. Columns in all countries can be 
classified into two broad classes in regard to their utility, namely, the free 
pillars and those which are employed in buildings as support to the whole 
structure and as the regulator of the whole composition in ancient architecture 
in any case. And as regards this regulating column alone, the question of 
proportion and intercolumnation can arise. But so far as this column is con- 
cerned the capital is of minor importance, because in many places of its em- 
ployment it becomes mixed up with the entablature and losea its prominency 
if not its identity also. Of the free pillar, on the other hand, the capital is the 
most prominent part, because no other part draws the attention of the visitor 
so much, the free pillar having no other purpose to serve except being showy. 
Therefore, apart from the consideration of stability, the proportion between 
its length and width, and between its component parts, namely, the pedestal, 
base, shaft, and capital, has no significance. But these are the factors which 
count much in case of the regulating pillar, because apart from aesthetic con- 
sideration any error in the proportion and in the composition of several parts 
often prove injurious not only to the pillar itself, but also destructive to the 

« Ibid. pp. 66 . 67 . 

Indo-Persian ArcItiUcture 7 

whole building. Consequently the regulating pillar can hardly be considered 
without taking into consideration the building which it regulates. 

These common characteristic features of columns in all countries may help 
us in distinguishing the really essential elements from the unessential ones. 
Before proceeding further it is necessary to take stock of what we find in India 
and what in Persia, and when. 

The arch*ological remains in India could not be dated much earlier than 
the fifth century B.C., the Piprahwa Stupa building of 450 B.C. being about the 
earliest, until the discoveries made at Mahenjodaro and Harappi, which may 
take back by centuries the Indian architecture and other matters of the cultural 
progress of the country to a time which would make it impossible to further 
speculate on the Persian influence in India in any case. But before the artistic 
treasures unearthed in Sindh and the Punjab have been properly studied and 
made available they can be hardly utilized in an article like this. We are, 
therefore, perforce to limit our observation to the old materials which are 
fortunately plentiful for the present purpose. 

The extant Buddhist pillars, with which alone a Persian connexion has been 
sought to be established, and which probably at one time could be counted by 
hundreds, do not number more than a dozen. The best known Aaokan pillar 
is that removed from Toprs to Delhi by Firoz Shi Tughlak in 1356. A frag- 
ment of a second was re-erected also in Delhi in 1867. Three others exist in 
Champaran district: the first of these is known as the Lauriya-Armraj, the 
second as the Lauriya Navandgarh pillar, and a fragment of the other was 
‘recognized — utilized ss a roller for the station roads by an utilitarian member 
of the Civil Service'. The moat complete shaft, bereft, however, of it* capital, 
is the Allahabad pillar to which a pedestal was added l>y Captain Smith, but 
which was again thrown down and re-erected by Jahangir (in J605) to com- 
memorate his accession. Four others of Asokan pillars are in much damaged 
condition at Rarapurwa, Nigtiva, Rammindei, and Samath. 

'It is more than probable that each of these Asoka pillars stood in front of 
or in connexion with some Stupa, or building of some sort. At least we 
know that six or seven can be traced at San chi, and nearly an equal number 
at Amarabati, and in the representation of topes at the latter place these 
lats are frequently represented both outside and inside the rails. At Karle 
one still stands in front of the great cave.' 

The pillar at Enin and the iron pillar at Meharauli near Delhi belong to the 
GuptS period, and the pillar at Pathari in Bhopal is ascribed to Rastrakuta 
King Parabala (a.d. 8fix). 

The crowning ornament of these pillars have been lost, but the capitals of 
some pillars still exist. The capital of the pillar at Lauriya Navandgarh is sur- 
mounted by a lion of bold and good design. The pillar at Sankisa situated 
between Mathura and Kanouj, erf which the greater part of the shaft has been 
lost, is surmounted ‘by an elephant, but so mutilated that even in the seventh 
century the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang mistook it for a lion'. The pillar at 
Karle is surmounted by four lions, ‘which, judging from analogy, once bore 

8 P. K. Acharya 

a chakra or wheel, prohably ia metal*. The pUkrs at BeAsa, a dozen mile* 
south of Karle, partly stand free and parAy support a verandah: these 
pillar* are surmounted by horses and elephants bearing men and women of 
bold and free execution. These capital* are stated to be ‘more like the Per- 
sepolitan type than almost any others’. In a note, on the authority of Dr. Le 
Bon, Fergusson further asserts that in the Pitalkhora vihira ‘the Persepolitan 
capital is repeated with a variety of animals over it ; for the Hindu artists, from 
their natural aptitude for modifying and adapting forms, very Boon replaced 
the bicephalous bull and ram erf the Persian columns by a great variety of 
animals, sphinxes, and even human figures, in the moat grotesque attitude*’. 1 

It is needless to point out that this ‘great variety of animals’ on the capitals 
of Indian columns has caused great inconvenience and diicomfort to the 
advocate of the Persian theory, because on Penepolitan capitals the animals 
comprise only bull and unicorn, possibly lion too. 

Another important factor which Fergusson himself admits is that the Pcr- 
sepolitan 'features are only found on the latt of Asoka, and are never seen after- 
wards in India, though common in Gandhara and on the Indus long after- 
wards Persian form of capital long retained its position in Indian art’. 3 It 

is, however, not stated how and why the Persian form did not influence the 
other Indian types, but the fundamental difference* in the Indian types arc 
explained : ‘whatever the Hindus copit i. however, was changed in course of 
time, by decorative additions and modifications, in accordance with their own 
taste’. With such an assumption any slight similarity in the most ordinary 
things of any two countries or peoples may establish relation of indebtedness 
of any one of the two to the other. 

The great variety, and the undeniable differences from the Persian model, 
of the Indian columns can be verified by a reference to the capital* of pillars at 
‘cave no. a6 at Ajanta (Fergusson, i. p. 154). at the Chaitya Cave of Kenheri 
(p. 164), at Bhaja (p. 178). at caves of Kahapana and of Gautamputra in Nasik 
(p. 185), at Sri Yajna Care (p. 188), at Vihira no. 16 (p. 190), no. 17 (p. 192), 
no. 24 (p. 194), no. 1 (p. 195) at Ajanta, at Patna (p. 207). at Janulgarh (p. 214), 
at Srinagar and at Shadipur (p. 257), in Bhima's Rath at Mamallapuram 
(p. 332), Dhvaja-Btambha at El urn (p. 346), Dipa-stambha in Dharwar (p. 347), 
in Tirumalai Nayyaka’a chaultri at Madura (p. 387), at Vellor and at Pelur 
(p. 399), of the Hall in Palace at Macura (p. 414), of Court in palace in Tanjor 
(p. 415), at Ananta Gumpha in Orissa (rol. ii, p. 16), of an India Sahha cave at 
Elura (pp. 20, 21), of Vistula temple at Mount Abu (pp. 39, 42), at Chandra* 
vali, Mount Abu (p. 43), at Ranpur (pp. 46, 47), at Khajuraho (pp. 53), at 
Gyaraspur (p. 54), at Amwa (p. 56), at Sravana Bclgola (p. 75), at Mudabidri 
(pp. 76, 77, 78), at Guruvayankeri (p. 81), at Jaipur (p. 111), at Kailasa, and 
Elura (p. 126), at Elephants (p. 129), Kirtiatambha at Vadnagar (p. 136), at 
Udayapur in Gwalior (p. 146), at Brindaban’ (pp. 157, 158). 

This long list of existing pillars when compared with the shorter one com- 
prising less than a dozen examples, where certain similarity with the Persian 
type is possible, makes it all the more difficult to believe in the Persian theory, 

* Ini. and Eatt. Arch. i. 138. * Ibii. p. 59. 

lndn- Persian Architecture 9 

ao far as the Indian pillars ire concerned. Moreover, there is another con- 
sideration, and that is, in a matter like the present one, perhaps more significant. 
Only the general principles and practicable rules and regulations for the 
guidance of artists are codified in standard treatises dealing with a subject like 
architecture. If any similarity can be clearly detected in the standard treatises 
of different countries, defiderxy due to the lack of sufficient archaeological 
remains can be rectified. But so far as Persia is concerned there appears to 
have been no such treatise ever wnnen. All that has been recorded in Persia 
are from the reports of foreign visitors entirely based on their observation of 
the scanty remains. In India, fortunately, we posses in manuscripts many 
hundreds of Silpittstras dealing with architecture and the cognate arts in 
great detail. But the standard work bilnasOra was not accesaible to scholars 
in any form until the publication of the writer's Indian Architecture and 
Dictionary oj Hindu Architecture in 1Q27. It is needless to repeat what has 
been stated in these books. It is possible thst, from the details gathered to- 
gether in these books, the readers may expect with greater reason a similarity 
between the Indian and the Greco-Roman orders rather than the Persian 
columns. Merely the conclusion may be quoted here: 

‘The striking similarities in the names of the mouldings, like padma or 
cyma, hara or bead, or in the names of orders like the Misrita or Composite, 
may sometimes be attributed to inexplicable coincidence. But in view of 
other striking similarities between Vitruvius and the MunmUra, such as the 
classification of orders into exactly five, and the division of subservient parts 
called mouldings, common to all the orders, into eight, and also the pro- 
portionate measurement varying equally from six to ten diameters, and 
tapering almcet in the same way, there seem to have been something more 
substantial than mere coincidence. An influence, direct or indirect, of the 
one upon the other, seems highly probable.' 1 

In the absence of the direct influence, an indirect influence through the 
Persian source should have been quite feasible if there were really anything 
common save and except a few capitals. 

So far as the antiquity and the variety are concerned the Indian columns are 
so very remote and different from even the doubtfully restored columns of 
Persia that no connexion seems to be probable. Synonyms of pillars are met 
with in the IjbgvedaJ and the Atharvavcda,* the former of which, in any case, 
must be dated before the Zend-Avesta of the Penis. As regards the variety 
they Bre far too many to be referred to; they are given in detail in the writer’s 
Dictionary oj Hindu Architecture * The proportion and the intercolumnations 

* Indian ArMlttlurt, by the Wnw fp. I$j) 

* RV. i. 59. t ; iv. 5. 1. 

* AV.tx. 3. r; Bloomfield. Hymns cfjl* AV. U 3 **■ *«l . _ . .. 

* Anghii <p. .j-.*), (p. 67), Ay*.*** <p. 69). UAchhr... (p. 7*) KbO-atambha 

(p. iia), Ganda-vennd*. hewing sun-eegla tpP- >*«• *74). GanuJ.-nambh. (163. 6**. 655, 
666, 667. 674. *75. 677). Gpfc.-.u^. (.7* ^ <«•* CU****?** ’*>- ?»«• 
knrtiQ (196). Jansfc* l 3 -6). (*0*). piUr Of wemy (aoS), 

16 si<ln fast). Dvi-vairtlo (sSll DUoa (aSa). Dfcr^a-.wnbhs, bearing . fiig or banner 

(,sJ) Dh^i-swmbva (aSi). (zSa). 1339). Kd. (346). P.UM- 

io P. K. Acharya 

of the Persian type are also essentially different from the Indian ones. The 
proportionate measures of the pedestal, base, shaft, capital and entablature, as 
well as the plan and intcrcolumnatior., have been discussed in great detail in 
the writer’s Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, and need not be repeated here. 
Only the conclusions again may be briefly referred to. The measures of the 
mouldings of twelve pedestals* classified under three heads and of some 
sixty-four bases 1 under nineteen heads have been given. Shafts are primarily 
divided into five orders, but there ia a great variety described under the 
technical names, of which a long list has been given above. The capitals too, 
which have drawn the attention of the archaeologists rather disproportionately, 
have beer, described under several types, none of which appears to have much 
resemblance with the Persian ones. Lastly, the entablature has been de- 
scribed under eight classes.* 

The height of the pedestal is generally from one-quarter to six times of the 
height of the base. Pedestals are actually given nine heights, which are worked 
out by nine proportions. In the case where a pedestal is joined to the base, the 
height of the pedestal may be either equal to that of the base, or twice, or three 
times as much. Again, the bsaes are given twelve heights varying from 30 
angular (of | in. each) to 4 cubits. 'lire height of the ahaft being divided into 
four porta, one ia given to the base, which may or may not he accompanied by 
u pedestal. The height of the entablature a a compared with that of the base 
may be equal to the latter, or less by J. or greater by J. i, J, or twice; in cubit 
measure these six heights may vary from 4} to 7 cubits. The heights of the 
entablature when compared with that of the shaft may be of, or equal to, 
or greater by J, \ and J of the latter. 


’ the capitals are varied at pleasure, though not without regard to the diameter 

and length of the shaft, and the forma of the plainest of them are found at 

Mvnbh. (348). KulUnghrika (i 4 j ). Brahma-Kant. (« 4 J). Mtosatambha (654-6, A7O, 
M01.Ml.od4 (**.), Y4,iH..wnUu (,,7). Rodm-KSnum (5.7). Utahml- 

.Umbl. (5.7). Vfcn („.) Va,r,.p*d. <5,,* V-tambh. (JJ7X VaWtantt (537). Vptta 
(563). Sl*.,..mbh. flto-Uata (j 94). Subhahka n (595). SukhSftghri (595), Srftari 
(597), Saumubhya (64.), Sh.nd.-kto,. (64, >. SthOp. (731). 9«Uou <7j0. of the Jain., 
Uuddhliti, Vmhiuvia. (677-67®). B«>. pJW (673). Bmcfactmi-pilkr (667). Beauty 
<S07>. Boundary pUUr (66«), Brahma-dev. pOtar (676). Oocod.1. pilkr (677). Devotion 
pillar (670), Diamond pillar <5SJ> p£»ar (13-14. 86). Ecphant pillar (675), Fan palm 
pdlat (677). Fortune Pillar <652-3. 668X Foamdat ice P.IW (511. 655. 664. 667), Four-faced 
pillar (653. 654, 658). Gate pillar (67a). Gold pillar (648). Granite pillar (654. *SJ. 6j6>. 
Honour pillor (*64-5, 666, 67®-!), Lamp pillar («j8. 664. 67a. 673. 677). L»n pillar (6ft. 673, 
676), Main pillar (143). Manorial puiar -538, 674), Monkey pillar (677X Monumental pUIar 
(13a, 182. 675). Oc». coral pUUr (656). Pfcatu. pillar (667), P*ty pilUr (659). Projecting piUar 
(637). Guodrangular pillar ( 6 ,j. 636. 657X Refa**** pdUr (2S2). Sacrifice pillar (663. 666. 
669-70. 677). Sati pillar (660. 677X Sowar-aided pillar (Me). Sttne piBar (593. 64S. 6 S *. 653, 
657. 6j8. 659. 671. 673). Thieve* piOar (677X Tfcirty-tawaidad pdlar (648). Town pillar (656), 
Trident pUlar (65*), Umbrella pillar <676). Una h a ke n pOlar (673). Upper pilar (143X Victory 
pillar (659. 664, 666, 670, 671, 677). Wall pillar (139), War pilar (66r-a), and Waltare pillar (669). 

on« might expect to find in this huge liat of pillar. »me named alter the G recta, Romani, ot 
the Persia, but no auch name, are amOafcle. « The Writer*. Dictionary, pp. 88-91. 

* The Writer*! Dictionary, pp. 20-41. > The Writer** Dictionary. PP 378-81. 

Indc-Persian Architecture 1 1 

a distant view to bear some resemblance to the Doric and Ionic capitals ; but 
these of a more elaborate kind are sometimes so overloaded with a sort of 
filigree ornaments as to destroy the effect of the beautiful proportions of 
the whole.' 1 

‘The capital given to the first design is from a model found at Tit uvottiyur 
near Madras and is called Tarangs(\Vive)-bodhika ; it is one diameter high 
and projects equal to its height {Dictionary, p. 680). The other form is from 
a temple at Mayalapura; it is called Surub-bodhikfl or roll capital {p. 680). 
The height of the third capital called PhalakS is three-quarters of the lower 
diameter of the column and is divided into thirteen parts : its projection is 
one diameter (p. 683). The capital in the fouith variety takes three-quarters 
of the diameter (pp. 687-8). The fifth capital, called Pushpa-bsndha, or 
Band of flower, is equal to the upper diameter of the column: its projection 
is equal to its height, but its altitude may be equal to the higher, lower, or 
the middle diameter of the column; and its breadth may be equal to its 
height, or four or five diameters (p. 691). There are many otlicr varieties, 
which are hardly necessary for the present purpose (pp. 699-702).' 

We may conclude with a more general direction: 

*a capital, the height of which is from one to two diameters, and the breadth 
twice its height, is of the superior sort; and that which in height is half the 
diameter, and in breadth from one to three diameter*, is of the inferior 
sort' (p. 691). 

The plan of the Hindu columns admits of every shape, and ia frequently 
found in the round, quadrangulir, and octangular forms, although aixtocn- 
aided and thirty-two-sided ones arc also met with: they are richly adorned 
with sculptured ornaments (p. 703). 

'The intercolumnation may he two, three, four, or five diameters: it is 
measured in three ways— first from the inner extremity of the base of one 
pillar to that of another ; secondly, from the centres of the two pillars; and 
thirdly, from the outer extremities of the pillm including the two bases. 
There seems to be no fixed intercolumnation. This has been left to the dis- 
cretion of architects, who are, however, required to be particularly careful 
with regard to beauty and utility.’ 1 

The similar details of columns may be briefly quoted from Pcrrot and 
Chipiez’s History of Art in Persia : 

‘A glance at the proportions of the Persian column, its thin and airy 
aspect, would, almost by itself, make it clear that it would have been a poor 
support for a stone entablature' (p. 48). 

We have seen above that the Indian column is generally bulky. 

‘The shaft of the Persian column is always tall and slender. In the Palace 
of the thirty-six columns at Pcrsepolis, the total height of the order, with 
base and cr o w n, is in the proportion of twelve to one diameter of the shaft ; 
' Th« Writer's Dieti mm ry, p. 704. ' Archurttar, bj the writer (p. 44). 

12 p. K. Acharya 

whilst in the Pasargad* specimen, whose capital has disappeared, the pro- 
portions are more airy and light’ (p. 53). ‘The Susian column, whose head 
is now in the Louvre, best characterizes the architecture of the Achxmcnid 
sovereigns’ (pp. 86, 87). 

‘The shaft in all the orders of the edifices is slender and slightly tapering 
towards the top. It is fluted in all instances, save in the tafades of the 
necropolis at Peracpolis, and the single column that still remains of the 
Palace of Cyrus in the upland valley of the Polvar’ (p. 87). 

'In the oldest stene column standing among the ruins of the Palace of 
Cyrus at Pasargaihe, we haw a faithful representation of the primitive 
post, save that its material is stone and not wood. There is no fluting, the 
shaft being quite smooth. But what was its capital like? Nobody knows. 
As to the base, it is a simple round form interposed between the shaft and 
the ground, even more rudimentary than the cube which does duty as a 
plinth in the rustic house’ (pp. 98-9). 

'The complex column, with the double capital and volutes, rose between 
the four enormous pillars of the monumental Propylxa on the Persepolitan 
platform; it upheld the ceiling of the central hall of the great Palace of 
Xerxes, and formed the supports, both internally and externally, in the main 
porch of the Hall of a hundred columns, as well as those of the hypostyle 
hall of Artixcrxcs at Sum.’ 

In a note it is, further, stated that until recently only alight fragment* of ihe 
capital* had been recovered ; nevertheless the number *een by Coste was 
sufficiently Urge to enable him to write as follows— 'the flute* of the shaft are 
cut to a fine edge, and the capitals consist of four distinct sections’. Scores of 
•hafts and chips of capitab were disengaged some ten years ago. In Plates 
(LXVII-LXIX) of the atlas published by the German Mission, entitled 
Drtails of Columns, will be found fragment* of the bull-group, along with 
pillars adorned by volutes and the cylindrical form which intervenes between 
these and the pillar. 'Altogether they furnish all the elements requisite for 
a restoration of the column’ (p. 95), but not for a comparison with the Indian 

'All the columns have a base, which differ* from one building to another’ 
(p. 88). 'The type that prevailed all over the country in the golden age of 
Persian art is represented’ in the great palace at Susa. It constitutes the true 
Persian base. 

‘The base is not infrequently carved into the lower drum of the sliafe, and 
is singled with it; hence with it must stand or inevitably fall. Elsewhere, in 
the hypostyle hall of Xerxes, for instance, the base is cut into two; in it the 
torus belongs to the first drum of the shaft, whilst the principal member is 
a separate block— resting directly on the ground. Despite the elegance of its 
contour and the care displayed in its make, the base lacks independence, and 
does not sufficiently contrast with the column so as to allow of those charm- 
ing effects which greet us’ (p. 89-90) 

in the Grecian and Indian support. 

x 3 

Indo-Persian Architecture 

As regards the shape of the base, it is limited to a few types only. 

‘In the palace of Cyrus it is a disc, or a reversed quarter round. A more 
complicated shape, composed of a rectangular plinth and a torus seamed by 
horizontal channellings, is seen in one of the porticoes of the Gabre, in the 
central colonnade of the great Palace of Xerxes, at Susa, as also in the Hall 
of a hundred columns’ (p. 88). 

The plinth is hardly seen or can be distinguished. The proportion between 
the component parts of the column is also lacking. 

The Persian capitals, of which much has been made out by the early 
Indologists, may be referred to in all available details. 

'In every case the lower portion of the capital detaches itself very abruptly 
from the column, forms a horizontal line on each side, parallel to the archi- 
trave and at right angles with the axis of the shaft. There ia no junction or 
intermediary moulding between the tapering column and the rectangular 
member at the beginning of the capita!' (p. 9a) akin to the of the 
Doric and Indian capital. 

‘If, neglecting minor details, wc only regard the shape as a whole, it does 
not seem unlikely that the first notion of it was suggested by the crowning 
tuft of a palm. The lower memben of the capital would represent the dead 
twigs as they droop and fall about the stem of the tree; the upper members, 
whose forms look upwards, would stand for the young shoot*, which dart 
forward past the sere foliage with a slight outward curve ; the vertical stride 
that scar the surface throughout would be reminiscent of the interval* or 
fillets which, in nature, separate the leaves of the terminal bunch' (p. 92). 

In India, on the otlwr hand, it should be noted, the analogy lies with the 
human body : the capital stand* for the head, the shaft for the body, the base 
for the leg, and the pedestal for the foot. 

‘Stolze (Pcrsepolis, Bemerkungcr) teems to think that in the capital* of 
the columns' the animals figured resemble the horse rather than the bull. . . 
the omamentiat hit upon a kind of compromise between the two quadrupeds 
so as to add another conventional type to his repertory, which is not a whit 
more strange than that of the unicorn, found at support to many of the 

The animals that figured on Indian capitals, we hare seen, are neither bull 
nor even the compromised unicorn but mostly lion, elephant, and man. 

Nothing like the Indian cave temples have been disclosed from the Persian 
ruins. No discussion on the subject a, therefore, possible. 1 


University of Allahabad. 

■ Hypottyte hall of Xerxe. at Peraepola. to. 31 (P«m* and Ciupiu. p. 91). no. 3a (p. 93 ). 
bo. 38 (p. 97), no. 43 (p. its), no- 44 (p- 115). „ . 

* For tho re*t cf the article aee The Catcalla Retie*. 1930, pp. 37 ?-fco. Apnl. 

pp. a*- 3 j. 


I N the Fourth Book of Dinkart — and elsewhere in a more sketchy way — the 
detailed informations arc handed down to us on the preservation of the 
writings of the Mazda-worahipping religion. The Book tells us that at the 
time of King Vishtasp there were already some ‘writings’ of the religion. 
Whether they were of the original Mazda-worahipping religion, or of the 
religion after the reformation, we are unable to know, though the king himself 
is known to have been the first disciple of Zarathushtra. Furthermore, we are 
told therein that King ‘Daral’, the predecessor of Alexander, has ordered the 
preservation of two written copies of the whole A vesta and the Commentary 
which were probably written then in the tongue of ’MagCI gabrS’, whose in- 
fluence was then quire noticeable, particularly ir. connexion with the Mazda- 
worshipping religion. 

In the Eighth Book of the same work, wc are also told that there were 
originally twenty-one Nasks of the Zoroastrun teaching, in which some sayings 
of the original Mazda-worahipping religion of remote age had been included 
no doubt. The divisions and the name* of these Nasks arc very plainly told, 
and the contents of each Naak are minutely explained in the chapters follow- 
ing. But it continues to say that Alexander at his invasion burnt these Naska 
ai random, and nearly all the Naiks were lost and do not remain perfect ever 
since. What we have now is of course the later compilation of some fragments 
that were preserved chiefly in the memory of those high priests in the councils 
held under the auspices of the Sassanian kings. But VendldSd is considered to 
be the only Noak remaining complete out of the original twenty-one Nasks of 
the Mazda-worshipping religion, and is the best suthority we can refer to in 
connexion with the study of their religious custom, while only a small portion 
or nothing of the other Naiks is pre se rved in the present Avesta after the 
calamity by Alexander. Such is the nature of the material with which I am 
about to deal, and yet even in this VerwttdSd. which is believed to be so com- 
plete, wr cannot help noticing ita fragmentary nature or some contradictory 
points. Whether this is due to the losses it sustained before the revival of the 
Mazda- worshipping religion by the Sas s an i an dynastic*, or to the mixed nature 
of the Nask at the very outset, is the subject of our discussion. 

This question may be discussed from various points; but here J shall 
only dwell upon the subject with the special reference to what they are taught 
about the dead and how they treat it according to what is stated in the Nask, 
In the Seventh Fargard of VenJldid it says: 

'ijarj. pasta, parairistlm. ... us. kata. baodO. ay&f. aifa. druljl. yd. 
nasus. upa.thqsaiti. af>fy*ba*ibyfi. naimatibyS. ma/ifi. hhrpa. wxaitya. 
frajnaos. apazadaxhO. aktnanjwi. drxvyta. yafta. xOtxdillSif, Ip af strait 
rii. 2. 

('Aussitdt aprfcs la mort, aussitot que l'esprit a quitte le corps, la Druj 

A Note on Vendtd&d 15 

Nasu fond des regions du nord sous h forme d’une mouche furieuse. genoux 
courhfs en avant, queue cn arriere, avec des bo urdonnements sans fin, et 
semblable aux plus infects Khrafstras,*) 
and thus it defiles the corpse. This is the case when a man dies naturally; but 
when a man meets a violent death and dies unexpectedly, it requires about five 
hours before the deac actually becomes unclean, as it requires so long for the 
Druj to come. They furthermore believe that any one who touches the corpse 
becomes polluted as well. So, according to the Na&k, a woman who brings 
forth a stillborn child is also regarded unclean, and an enclosure is erected for 
her in the place which is, 

‘phiatagiim. haea. ipraf. priialagQin. hoax. apaf. prisata.gOim. haea. 
baramin. frasLaryif. prig Him. haea. rurtbyC. ajavabytt.’’ v. 48; viii. 63. 

('4 trente pas du feu; 4 trente pas de l’eau; 4 trente pas des faisceaux 
conaacris dc Barcsman; 4 trois pas des fidiles,*) 
and there she has to go through the cleansing processes of various sorts by 
taking the prescribed food, by washing her body, and cleansing her clothes for 
a certain length of time. 

Since such is the case, it is almost unnecessary to mention here that any one 
touching the corpse directly becomes polluted. Even when, 

'aitr. maxdayatna. ufxriri. aittm. iriittm. at a. mqrt. hanki. hertuyif. 
yavaf. a/fa. car & like. avi. mqm. kartkS. hjrKay&f. jtascif . naif. bvaf. 
afava. mjf ascif . no*/, tatfaiti vakUtakt. cokbir:' v. 61. 

(*. . . un adorateur de Mazda jette but un mart autant aeulement que la 
jeune fille luisse tomber cn Slant, vivant, ce n’eat pas un juste, et mort, il 
n’aura pas ta part du paradis, *) 
and moreover, 

' Yd. vatlrjm. upankimaiti. ufairi. aJt^n iritt*m. ubdafnjm. vi. izatntm. 
vi. avavaf aipi. yap*. marl, aopravana.' viiL 23. 

(*un homme jette sur un mort un vttement d’etoffe ou de peau, autant 
pax exemple qu'un couvre-picd,’) 

is punished by the penalty of four hundred stripes with the horsewhip and 
four hundred stripes with the 'Obedience-whip*. If it is enough to cover both 
legs of the dead, the penalty is of six hundred stripes; and if it is enough to 
cover the whole body, the penalty is of one thousand stripes. And again , if the 
garment touches the corpse, and, 

'Yen. avha{. updtm. vi. am.naptan. vi. ami.iritlm. vi. aiui.varjtlm. 
va' viL 1a. 

(Vil y a sur lc vctcrocnt du sperme, du sang, dc l’ordure, ou de la maticrc 

then the worshippers of Mazdi tear that soiled part and bury it into the earth, 
it says ; and if not so defiled, they are to wash the garments with grjmlz for 
another use ; and according to the different materia] they are made of, they are 
to be cleansed by the different processes of purification. 

Sfageru AraJd 


And again, 

•yO. riaro. hamd.gdKO. mfxaJy^le. h<pn. vJ. pciti. stain l fupn. t 0 . 
paili. bans*, pdtica. hi. artya. <ka. ri tiara. <mh>n. paifca. t a par/cisattm. 
vS. sa'jm. vd. hqm. nairaupn. iaf. aifqmu narqm. atcO. irifya V. 27. 

('Des homroe* sont asais sur la indue place. sur le mime lit ou le mftme 
coussin, l’un pro de l'autre, b deux, a cinq, a cinquantc ou a cent, tons sc 
touchant: un de ces homines vient a mouhr,*) 
and if the dead be a priest .the Druj of it defiles all around himas far as the eleventh 
person ; if a warrior, as far as the tenth; and if a husbandman, as far as the ninth. 

With regard to the relationship of the faithful with the deceased, it is re- 
corded in the Nask« that if a father or mother dio, his son or her daughter 
'stays’ unclean for thirty days for the righteous ono and sixty days for the 
sinners; if a son or a daughter dio, hi* father or her mother 'stays’ unclean for 
thirty day* for the righteous people and sixty days for the sinners; if the master 
of the house or the mistreas dies, cither one who survivo 'stays' unclean for 
six months for the righteous ono, and one year for the .inner*; and further 
relationship of the faithful with the deceased, and the informations about the 
cleansing of the house in which they died, are given there. Even those who 
touch the corpse in the field at a distant place where the regular process of 
purification cannot be performed, are not e x cused to omit anything prescribed, 
yea more severe observance is provided them.* 

So, more superfluous it may seem to mention here that, according to their 
teaching, any one who eats the corpse of a man, not only defiles himself but 
hecomea himself a Druj Nasu ; and his house and the family are to be destroyed, 
his heart to be torn out of his body, and his eyes are to be put out.* Again, he 
who bums the corpse commits a capital crime, and is to be put to death by any 
one without the order of any authority .« This is because he pollutes the lire of 
course. If a worshipper of Maxda happens to see a corpse in the river, he is 
taught to take off ha shoes and clothes at once, and in order to take the corpse 
out of water, he is to jump into the water, 

•SfXl a.zatfga/ibymcil. ipO. Sinutnasaf. if*. a.maidy<piasd(. Of*. 

B.rurib/rnunif. OpO. vlsptm. a. ahmaf. yaddtf. upajasoif. r riitpm. tanDm.' 
vi. 17. 

(Teau jusqu’k la cherille, jusqu'aux genoux, jusqu'k la ceinture, de toute 
la taille, jusqu'i ce qu’il puissc atteindre le cadarre,’) 
and if the body is already rotten to pieces, he is to take as much out of the 
water as he can grasp with both hands, and is allowed to lay it down on the dry 
ground, otherwise it pollutes the water. Again, 

* Y&rt.dr&jo. . . . im. mafya. irittr. zfm. rddmte. raocdi. aad.vama. 
hvartjiarnya. sjmO. bacai^ti.’ rii. 46. 

(‘Quand un more a etc depose sur la terre et y est rcstc toute unc 
ann<e, vftu de la lumiere du ciel et regardant le soldi, la terre redevient 

1 »“«- * »» 07-10?. 1 v£ 23. t*. * via 73, 74- 


A Note on Vendlddd 

So it continues to say, 

‘pasca. par,cdsatjm. taniqm sairi.mafya.iristt.xm/. rrikarjU. havaf.- 

z/m3. bara:rj!t .' vii. 

("Quand un homrae cst rest* enfoui dans la terre cincuante ans durant, la 
terre redevient pure. 1 ) 

Therefore in the Sixth Firgard it says' that the ground whereupon a man has 
died should lie fallow for one year; and if it should be sown or watered 
within that year, the sin would be the same as if one had brought dead matter 
to the water, to the earth , or to the plants ; and he is condemned to the penalty 
of two hundred stripes with the horsewhip and an equal number of stripes 
with the 'Obedience-whip*. Even when this period is over, they are requested 
to look for any bone, hair, flesh, dung, or blood that may be left there, and 
make the ground fit to be tilled before they water, plough, or sow. If he should 
throw a bone, or the marrow of it on the ground, he would be condemned to 
the penalty of different number of stripes from thirty to one thousand stripes 
with the horsewhip and an equal number of stripes with the ‘Obedicncc- 
whip’ according to the size and the quantity of the bone or marrow.* Further, 
if any one buries the corpse in the earth and docs not dig it up within six 
months, he is condemned to the penalty of five hundred stripes; if not within 
one year, of one thousand stripes with the horsewhip and an equal number of 
stripes with the 'Obedience-whip' ; and if not within the second year, there is 
no atonement for such deed.* The defiled part of the plants is also to be 
cleansed at a different length according to the dr y n ess and hardness of it.* 
So much will be sufficient to show that the corpse of a man — the carcase df 
a dog as well, since they respect the dog as a sacred animal — defiles not only 
the man but also the elements such as fire, water, earth, and plants. Therefore, 
the Naak repeatedly says, if any one brings s corpse into the wster or the fire, 
upon him comes the Druj Nasu. who takes hold of him even to the end of the 
nails, and thenceforth becomes unclean for ever. 

Moreover, according to Bundahhh, the Haoma is the king of healing plants; 
and if it has been strained for the sacrifice, Vendidld says, even the dead shall 
become immortal by tasting it. But if not strained for the sacrifice, that 
Haoma stem is defiled at the length of four fingers ; and that defiled part of the 
stem is to be cut off, and be buried in the ground in the middle of the house 
for one year, and after thst period, the worshippers may use the juice made out 
of that stem.* They are, however, asked to take the fire, the sacred Baresma, 
the cups, the Haoma, and the mortar out of the house wherein the man has 
died ; and they must keep the fire out specially for nioe nights in winter and for 
a month in summer ; and should they cany the fire into the house within that 
period, they would be condemned to punishment.* 

Whither are they taught to carry such corpse then ? The worshippers of 
M azda, among the Zoroastrians at least, are taught to carry the dead, 

'banxiltatfvaca. paiti. gitufca. . . . yadSif. dm. hthdillim. avazanqn. 
sOnC. v&. k/nfiJrarO. vayt. c a. kmfIJrarC.' allada. hi. aite. mazdayasna. 

vi i-o. 

vi to-ts 

1 36-S- 

vi 4 *. 43. 

V- 39-44. 


18 Ufagtnt Arafa 

aitvn. iristim. mdarrcaym. katxUbya. paJahTr*. hyipafyaca. vanau 
ayaohaitam. c a. xarftcainxm. vi. frcvdJ-JaJnrm. vd.’ vi. 45, 46. 

('Sur lcs lieux lea plus Aleves, li 06 Ton sail que viennent toujours lies 
chiens carnivores et des oiseaux carnivora; li 1 « adoratcurs de Mazda 
fixeront 1c corps par lcs pieds et par 1« cheveux, avec du mdtal. des pierrcs, 
ou de l’argile,') 

and if not 10 fastened, the corpse-eating bird and the corpse-eating dog may 
cany the bones into the water and into the trees, and defile them, and the 
worshippers will be condemned to the penalty. This is the description of the 
Dakhma which is said to be the first building that the Parsis erect when settling 
on 0 new place. Then the worshippers ire asked to carry the bones left there, 
out of the reach of the dog, the fox, or the wolf, into the building, which is to 
be made of stones, mortar, and clay. If they cannot afford to make such places 
to carry the corpse and its bones, they are allowed to laydown the dead man on 
the ground on his own carpet and his own pillow, and to expose the corpse to 
the sun. 1 When a man dies in a wooden house or a hut, the Nask still continues 
to say, the worshipper* of Mazda shall have to look for a Dakhma to which 
they can remove the dead and they must perfume the house with some sweet- 
smelling plant. But if it is easier for tlirm to remove the house, they shall leave 
the dead body as it is, and remove the house and perfume it as before. 1 

il’hcre is also such teaching in the Nask that no corpse must be taken to the 
Dakhma when it is raining, or snowing, or threatening to do 10, or the darkness 
is coming. Then the worshippers must find the place in the house which is 
the cleanest, the driest and the least passed through by the sacred things ; and 
ot the prescribed distance from them, they arc taught to dig a grave half a 
foot deep when the earth is hard, and half the height of a man when the earth is 
soft, and let the dead body lie in it until the weather becomes favourable, when 
they must carry it to the Dakhma r Again in the Fifth Fargard* it says, when the 
winter comes they could build three small houses for the dead, large enough, 
'yaf. hi. nOif. mv kt .l m h m m. v iutnm . upa.jonyif nOif. jrafa. 
pdiaiihya. nOif. xastaiibya. vltarrm.’ p. II. 

(Assez grandes pour ne pa* heurter la tite de lTiommc *’il itait debout, 
ni lea pieds itendus ni les bras tendus,*) 
and there they lay the lifeless body until the weather becomes favourable. 

As has been already stated, the Maxda-worshippere look upon the dog as 
a sacred animal, and this respect for the dog is indeed something singular in 
the Mazda-worshipping religion. They believe that a particular kind "of dog 
has a faculty of expelling or even smiting the Druj Nasu in the corpse of a 
man, and thus making it dean* Thus the *Sig-did’ or ‘a look of the dog’ 
makes a part of their funeral ceremony to-day ; and, in spite of this ceremony, 
they still have an impression of undeanness in the dead body, and cany it to 
the Dakhma in order not to defile the things with which it may come in contact. 
So the Dakhma is believed to be the place where the troops of fiends rush 

* »i 47-Si- * oi- 1-3- ' vil. 4 - **- 

♦ r. 10-14. ’ ™ vii. J 5 ~«. 

A Note on Vendidad 19 

together, 6 and therefore the earth where the Dakhma stands is one of the places 
which feel the sorest grief, 1 and he who rejoices the earth with the greatest joy 
is the one who breaks down most of those Dakhmas. 1 Thus while they arc 
taught to build the Dakhma for depositing the corpse, they are also taught to 
destroy it, since it is written in the Nask that the ground on which it stands is 
not regarded as clean until the dust of the corpse has mingled with the dust of 
the earth.* 

From what we have already noted, we know that they were strictly pro- 
hibited to bury the corpse— or even lay it on the ground — because of the pollu- 
tion of earth ; yet there are also some phrases in die Nask in which they are 
permitted to dig a hole in the ground in the house or build three small houses 
for depositing the corpse, though temporarily, and are also allowed to by on the 
dry ground the rotten pieces of the dead taken out of the river. These deeds 
are, indeed, quite sacrilegious among the Mazda-worshippers after the refor- 
mation, and yet it says there is no sin attached to such deeds and they do not 
become unclean, even though they directly touch the dead and bury or by the 
dead on the ground. 

These contradictory phrases will show that there is mixed in the Nask some- 
thing of the older custom of the original Maxda-wors hipping religion which 
was actually practised among the Achaemenians in the southern part of Persia, 
who were most devoted followers of Ahura Mazda. 

The best example of a burial-place » seen in the ruins at Xakhah-i Rustam. 
Some think these burial-places of the Achseroenian kings to be the places where 
their bones were deposited; but the interior of the vaults clearly shows that 
those deeply hewn troughs were used as sarcophagi in which to by the royal 
bodies and those of the nearest to them. 

Wc noticed also, that the Maxda-worihippcra are allowed to tear the defiled 
part of the garments touched by the corpse and bury such pieces under the 
ground, and sometimes they wash the soiled parts of their bodies or garments 
in the water, though it might be after being cleansed with gSntea. Here again 
wc see something contradictory to what is said elsewhere in the Nask, and there 
is no question about the mixture of the old teaching of their ancestors in the 
remote age with the reformatory spirit of the Msgus. 

They use the four-eyed dog or a white dog with yellow cirs for the 'sag-did' 
ceremony. This again is the reflection of the Indo- Iranian faith aswcsec Yama* 
in Veda, who guards the ways to the realm of Death with two brown four-eyed 
dogs; and even in the words of their spells, there is some resemblance between 
the Avcstan and the Vedic faith. 

There are, moreover, many points wc can hardly understand, such as the 
corpse of a priest defiles more people than that of the dog, or the Haoma 
already prepared for the sacrifice does not become polluted by the dead. So wc 
see many points stated in this Nask contradict, and there arc many points that 
seem to be the reflection from the faith after the Reformation by Zarathushtra 
and that of the original Mazdaism. 


. tj. 

c 2 

1 in 


* RV. x. x*. 10 f. 

20 Shigeru Araki 

We know that the original In do- Iranians had separated from each other, 
and had taken the different courses for thesr future homes, probably because of 
their religious differences, as some suggested, or economical reason. After 
their separation, it seems, there was another break-up among the Iranians 
themselves while coming down southwards; and one can easily think of two 
main courses of their immigration into the Iranian plateau : one group, appear- 
ing in the northern part of Persia, established the Median kingdom ; and the 
other established the Achacmenian kingdom in the south. 

One thing is quite evident, that they were both the worshippers of Ahura 
Mazda. But after their separation, there came a religious gap between these 
two branches of the Iranians; and among the Medes in the north, the Magus 
took the entire charge of the religious matter, and the reformation was going 
on among them, as already noted, and the central figure of which reformation 
was Zarathushtra; while the A charmer, ians in the south held the older view of 
the original M aida i a m . and consequently the older custom. 

So there was. in ancient Persia, a certain period when there were two 
distinct branches of the Iranians, the Medes and the Persians, as described in 
the famous history of Herodotus, and naturally they each had a religious belief 
and custom of their owu. So we 'er. unde* the Achacmenian rule, not only 
that the burial of the dead was not forbidden, but that it was the general 
practice, and they e'en burned the corpse as mentioned by Herodotus . 1 

I n the Founh Book of Dlnkart it mentions specially that the words of Avesta 
are ‘the receiving* by Zarathushtra himself from Ahura Mazda, and that this 
Avesta was probably the original A varan copy made before the devastation of 
Alexander; therefore it is the work after the reformation, and we may safely 
conclude that the mixed nature and the contradictory point* we sec in this Nask 
were already existing at the very outwit, provided that the Naak remained the 
same as it was before. If this Nask be a later compilation, it is quite natural 
that there remained some mixed nature and ccntradictoiy points in it, because 
there were ample opportunities of mixture of the belief of the original Maxdaiam 
of the Persians wtth that reformed idea of the Medes after the reunion of two 
branches of the Iranians at the later period of the Achaemcnes downwards. 

Tokyo Imperial UniomUy. 



. ftx* III. 16. 


1. It has already attracted attention (see Bartholomae, Zvm Aliiraniicher. 
WSrterbuch, pp. 64, 218) that certain verbal roots appear in Western Middle 
Iranian now with -m, now with -p (•/). The same phenomenon lias been re- 
marked also in Middle Sogdian of the Buddhist texts (see Tedesco, Zcilschrift 
fur Indologie und Iranutih, ii. 40). It is the agreement in this interchange of 
-p and -m in the case of both Eastern and Western Middle Iranian that suggests, 
if it can be assumed that the development is related, that the older Iranian may 
also have shared in this change. 

2. The verbs which arc recognized to belong here are: 

(.) gam- ‘go’ 

The forma in Turf an Pahlavi are : 

from •gala-, gd 'gd "gd ’ ngd 'sgd with Middle (Buddh.) Sogdian "jt. 
from gam- , prg'myd pig' mm 'ng’m 
gap-, hng'pl 

gav-, 'ng’tg 'tg'v'h (Mahrnamag, 2S8) 
aam-.hxrmn hns'm'y 

iap-, sap-, hnnjt, knifl hispid, knspt prz'pt. prs'pln 'n'przptg, 

For the change -n- to -t*-, compare Turfan Pahlavi h'xa'r ‘like’, Armenian 
loanword haoatar ‘equal', in which hdv- is the same aa hdm-. 

In Zoroastrian Pahlavi 
p rf ptfin fraiaftan 
pit am dn dton fraddmHMm 
damdndtnn iUmtniian Plxand. jUminidan 
p sum dn dt nn pa(s}sdm/ni:an 

In New Persian farjdm ‘end’. enjdm 'end’. 

Middle (Buddh.) Sogdian yfis'n: 'they went' (Yeas. Jit. 5 8c); pfityat 
'they went’ (Vess. Jit. 784). 

(2) nam- *go’ 

Avcstan nam- (see Bartliolomae, Alhran. Wortnb.) as in Y. xlvi. 1. kqm 
ntmOi sfm, kudra njmd aye * 'to what land *0 flee, whither am I to go to 
escape }' 

Turfan Pahlavi nam-, prnmnd 

nop-. W fmft fmpp, fmpt 

Zoroastrian Pahlavi ndmom franarmin franamUan franaftan frandjlan 

( 3 ) rap- ‘go’ 

Turfan Pahlavi r'mynyd 'lead ye’ 

•h'myd 'hr' my In v'Shr'm 
'h'pt 'kr’ptn 
nyr'myh nyr'pt 


H. W. Bailey 

Zoroastrian Pahlavi ahrJmisn, ahramihM raftan, pres, tense rp dt, 


Here too the Causative arapd! harapK (see Paviy , Zoroastrian Doctrine 
of the Future Life, p. 88). 

New Persian ref tan, pres, tense rated ‘go’ 
romidan ‘flee’ 
roman tin, id 

Cf. Middle (Buddh.) Sogdian rm"n timid (?) (Reichelt, Die Saghd. 
Handsckriftenreste d. Brit. Museum, p. a, no. 3). 

Afghani r amidol (1) proceed (of a flock) 

(2) be terrified 
ramaial (1) lead to graze 
(a) terrify 

Balftdl (Eastern) ravay ‘go’, rapt a ‘gone’ 

Sarlkoli tardfam, pret. vu-nttnl- •stand* 

Sign! virifeam, pret. vi-rQad- 'stand* 

Wix! varifsam, pret. varefitam 'stand* 

(4) x'ap- 'sleep* 

Turfan Pahlavi xvpf 'slept'; arwtr '*leep' 

Zoroastriin Pahlavi f if tan, ^ of tit ‘sleeps'; xumr (an mn) 'sleep'; 
stab (at Jh) 'sleep'. 

New Persian x*Obidan xusftdan 

(5) vam- 'vomit, spit' 

Turfan Pahlavi vfynd 'they spit out’ 

Zoroastriin Pahlavi rinit 'vomits’; v&tak 'vomit' 

Ossetic (Digorish) toman 'to vomit 

(6) vap- 'destroy* 

Avestan (Y. rorii. 10) ttrapaf 
Jud. Per*, fravamagtn ‘waste’ 

Zoroastriin Pahlavi vty&pinitan 

Pahlavi Psalter vyrTp’n (see Junker, W drier und Sachert, 1939). 

For the change of -tv- to -iy- compare 
Pahl. iivtt ‘he lives'. New Per*, ziyad, and Turfan Pahl. (North-west) 
yaviddn with (South-west) iayedan 'eternal'. 

3. This development of ram- from rap- 'go* brought it into contact with the 
different root ram- ‘be at ease', Avestan rimfnbcm, rOmyal, ramayciti, rama. 

Tufan Pahlavi r'm r’mybi Ym r'myn'nd rmrtyg 'darling' 
(Mahmimag, 383) 

Zoroastrian Pahlavi ramisn ranerttar 

New Persian dram ‘repose’, ramii ‘cheerfulness’ 

4. The Pahlavi Commentators employ r/tmiln, rOmiraUlx, r&ml-nU&rih to 
translate Avestan rapoii rapentim rapantC tapir, rapaka- ra/Kra- rafmah-. 
All these Avestan words are traced by Bmholomae ( ABiran . Warterb. 1508-10) 

Iranian Verbs in '-m' and ‘-p’ 23 

to the root rap - 'to support'. If we recognize here the possibility that rap- and 
ram- are two forms of the one root, it is possible to compare Lithuanian 
rtmti ‘to support’ beside rimti 'to be calm'. The Pahlavi Commentators arc 
then not so far wrong in using ribmJn and the other words of this root to 
translate Avestan rap-. 

5. A similar assumption of a parallel form yap - to the verb yam- will afford 
an explanation of Avcstan ayapla- dyapia- ‘a boon’. The verb yam- occurs 
with the preverb A in Y. xxxi. 13 ayanale ‘demands', and in V. ix. 14 ayasOii 
'you are to fetch’. Hence, too, is found an explanation of Zoroasrrian Pahlavi 
aydjtan 'obtain' ay&ptnUan, r/’ayUpaklk, New Persian yiftan ySbam 'obtain, 
find' ; Ossetic (Digorish) ayafun (Tagaurish) ayafin from d-y&f-. 

If this derivation is correct, yap- (yam-) must be kept distinct from the root 
ap- which it common in the A vesta, and in the form Op- (apnoli) in Sanskrit. 
In Pahlavi occurs Apirtitan. Possibly Turfan Pahlavi ‘byd belongs here, 
certainly SignI firdpam 'I attain' with its Causative firtpam, pret .firtpt. In 
Middle (Buddh.) Sogdian the same root ap- may perhaps occur in pr’yp- 'lead 

6. It haa seemed possible in view of this alternation of -m -p -f in verbal 
roots to attempt once more an interpretation of Avcstan tafiil which is found 
twice only and then in the Githis Y. xxix. 6 and Y. xlrui. 9. While Andrea* 
(Nuehrithtm non d. k. Grulh d. Wits, an Gdtlingm, 19J3, p. 373) translated 
'die Welt der Erscheinungen (?)’ obviously thinking of the Sanskrit vdpus 
(which occurs already in the Rigveda), Bartholomae preferred to see in vaf&S 
a derivative from a root taf- 'to weave* which liad secondarily acquired the 
meaning 'to sing of as in Y. xiiii. 8 stoomi ufyafi 'I praise and sing'. From 
such a meaning 'sing*. Bartholomae derived vafui- 'a song’, thence 'a saying, 
an ordinance’. On the other hand, the Pahlavi Commentator seems to have 
seen in the word a derivative of vap- 'to destroy’. He rendered vafAi by 
vilopiin, which in the Sanskrit version is in turn rendered by vmOianam 'de- 
struction'. The -/- of vafil is then, if it is derived from vap- 'to destroy', a 
difficult)*, but it is possible to compare not only Avestan hulx'a/a Y. Ivii. 17 
from the root x v ap- 'sleep' but also Turfan Pahlavi v/ynd, as above. 

The passages are : Y. xxix. 6 

af 3 c aotal AhurO Masdd vtdvd ccfBl xyOnayi 'And He Himself spake. 
Ahum Mazdah, knowing the vaf&I in his soul' (vymay-O Loc. Sing, cognate 
with Turfan Pahlavi gy’n, New Persian jan), and Y. xlviii. 9 

mijnOi rraiiltqm vaahjui tafui manackO 'Let the vafui of Good Thought 
be truly told me’. 

In Y. xxix 5 e, which preceeds the line of Y. xxix. 6 under discussion, there 
is talk of 'destruction': 

noil miijyfA frajyailiS nOif fsuyanll drtgzasu pain. 'Not for the right- 
eously living, not for the husbandman, shall there be destruction among 
the followers of the Lie’. 

24 H. W. Bailey 

In the second passage Y. xlviii. 9 *** Prophet desires to know whether 
Ahura Mazdih has control ora his threatening enemies: 
kadi vafda yeti iakyi xiayt£a 
Mazda AJa yehyd ini aMif dza&i. 

'When shall I know whether ye rule over all, O Mazdih, 

With Asha, whose destructiveness is a menace to me?’ 

But if we translate vafuih J 'destructions', what are the ‘destructions of 
Good Thought'? They may well be the ‘destructions’ of evil to accomplish 
wrhich Vohuman is the* agent of Ahura Mazdih, as, when Bandva threatens 
ZanUhiitra, it is through Vohuman that Bandva'a ruin is achieved : 

Y. xlix. 1 ahyi VohC acio ridi Martanhi, 'Do Thou prepare death for 
him through Good Thought.’ 

That Vohuman is an active agent in the destruction of the demons is well 
known. Compare the passage of the Iranian Bundahito which Darmesteter 
translated {Zend-Avesta, u. 307) : 'Vohuman . . . et e'est suitout par cette vertu 
pacifique de lui que aont possibles f annihilation d Ahriman et det dhnons, le 
reveil dr* morta, la resurrection, rimmortalite.' If c of Cl means 'destructiona', 
Vohuman would seem to have been most closely associated in Zarafluitra’a 
thoughts with victory ora hia enemies. 

Tire Pahlavi Commentator to Y. xMii. 9 seems to understand that Good 
Thought strengthens the individual who lives aright, enabling him to annihi- 
late the Evil Ones. Hi* words are: ‘hi pat frirOnlh itvtm, i-m • gundak i 
vattarin tuvin baoll vduftan' 'when I live righteously, then am I able to 
annihilate the host (?) of the F.vil Ones.’ Here the word gmdk it doubtful. 
It may be gandah. a* often written with two n't (cf. Turfan Pahlavi 'bmng 
•afirmg), meaning 'stench' or is possibly s derivative of paid a company or 
troops’. The Commentator bean witness then to the medieval Zoroastrian 
belief in the destructive activity of Vohuman. Hia conflict with Akfiman 
'Evil Thought’ is the counterpart in the heavenly world. 

7. There remains the powifrility that the daof dprjJvov xrapastl ... aibt in 
Y. xl. 1 may be a variant form of the root •xram- which is attested for Iranian 
by Middle (Buddh.) Sogdian yr’m- ‘to go’ and by New Persian xirimtdan 'go, 
stride'. In Vcdic Sanskrit is found the verb ban- with various preverbs, 
among others abhi : 

RV. i. 144. x. 

hold . . . abhi snieah hamate daktinicfio 'The Hotar priest approaches 
the sacrificial spoons which come from the right side’. 

RV. vi. 49. 15. 

spidho Admit abhi ca bdmima ‘may we overcome the ungodly foes’. 

The Avestan passage in Y. xl. 1 (The HaptanhSiti) reads : 

aha at pain adahU Mazda Ahttri mezdqmdi htdria kgrrtvi riitt 
t 6 i xrapatl ahmot hyat aibt hyaj mti’bm mmaidlm fradadifa 
daendbyd Mazda Ahura. 

Iranian Verbs in ‘-m‘ and 25 

'And at these Recompensing*. O MazdSh Ahura, do thou keep in mind 
and fulfil, through thy bounty, what comes to thee from us, which thou 
hast determined as a recompense for one like me for the selves, O Mazdih 

‘What comes to thee from us’ will mean 'our prayers’ or ‘our desires’. 


University of London. 


T HE three versions of this hymn arc brought together here not for illustra- 
tion of any principles of text criticism or exegesis, but rather to give an 
intimation of what a scries of studies of the Paippalada may show in regard 
to the development and interrelations of the Vedic samhitis : it is a specimen, 
not a definitive study. 

The three versions are (i) a khila to RV. x. 137, as given by Scheftelowitz, 
Die Apohryphen des Rgzeda, p. 119 f.; (2) Atharva Veda Siunaklya, v. 5; (3) 
A'.harva Veda Paippalada , vi. 4, as edited by Edgerton in JAOS. xxxiv. 374 ff., 
but with a few modifications as noted below. 

Khila to RV. x. 137 

bhtlmir mlti nabhah pitiryami te pitimahah / 
ghftlci nimi vi asi si dcrinim a&i svasi z 1 z 
yaa tva pibaii jlvati triyaw pum»*n tvam / 
tritrinl iaivatlm asi iaivatim umyancanl z 2 z 
yad da 11. Wns yad i*uni yad vimr harasl kftam / 
tasya tvam asi niakpis siriu ni*kftya o*adh!h 232 
vfluaifi-v[k*»rfi urn patau vf*»yantJvi kanyani / 
jayant! pratyitiphantl safljcyl nlma vi asi z 4 z 
bhadrit plakfe fin tiphisratthc khadirc dhavc / 
bhadrflt parpe nyagrodhe si mim riutsld arundhati 252 
aivasyisrk sariipausi tat parpam abhi tip]ha«M / 
sarat pataty arjusi si mirf> riutsld arundhati t 6 z 
hiranyaparne subliage sokfinc lomaiavakfape / 
apfim asi svasi likfe vlto hitroi babhQva te z 7 z 

Atharva Veda Saunaktya V. 5 

ratr! inita nabhah pitiryami te pitimahah / 
silld nima vi asi si devinim asi svasi z 1 z 
yas tvi pibati jlvati trayase puniaam tvam / 
bhartrl hi iaSvatam asi janinim ca nyificanf z 2 z 
vrkMrn-vrkaam a rohasi vrpanyandra' kanyali / 
jayanti pratyatighanti spirant nima vi asi 232 
yad dan^cna yad i?vi yad vimr harasi kftam / 
tasya tvam asi nijkpih semam niskfdhi pQrusam z 4 z 
bhadrit plakjan nistifthasy aivatthit khadirid dhavit I 
bhadran nyagrodbit parnit si na ehy arundhati 252 
hiranyavarpe subha ge suryavarpe vapustame / 
rutam gacchaji ciskpc ciskpir nima vi asi z 6 z 
hiranyavarne subhage $u$rae lomafavaksane / 
apam asi svasi lik$e Tito hafmi babhuva te z 7 z 


Three Versions of an Alharvan Hymn 

silaci nama klnlno ‘jababhni pita tava / 
aSvo yamaaya yah iyivas tasya hfanisy uksitl z 8 z 
aivasyasnah sampatica si vjk$ld abhi sisyade / 
sara pata trial bhOtvi si iu ehy arundhati a 9 z 

A than, a Veda PaippaUlda vi. 4' 

ritri nuta nabhas pitiryami te pitimahah / 
silldi nama vi asi t& devicam asi svasa m 
yas tvi pi bat i jlvati trSyasc puiusam tvam / 
dhartrl ca iaivatlm asi Jasvatam ca nyancanl z 2 1 
yad dipdena yad i»»i yad irur harasa Lpam / 
tasya tvam asi bhcyajl ni$kjtir nama v* asi z 3 z 
bhadrit plakje nistiflhasy aivatthe khadire dhave / 
bhadrin nyagrodhe parpe si na chy arundhati z 4 z 
vykfarh-vykfam i rohaai vffapyantira karyali / 
jayanti pratyitiflhantl sathjayfl nima v* aai z 5 z 
hiranyavarne yuvate iu*me locnaiavak^ape / 
spam aai svasi likfc vito hitmi babhQva te t 6 z 
hiranyablhu subhagc aOryavar^ic vapu$tamc / 
rutaih gacchasi nifkrdhi Kraaiti nifkplhi pOniaam z 7 z 
ghjtld nima kinlno ‘jababhru piti tava / 
aivo yamasya yai iyivn tasya hltnlsy ukjitl z 8 z 
aivasyianas saihpatitl si parnam abhi sifyade / 
sadi patatriny asi si na chy arundhsti z 9 z 
ghftlcake vimaratc vidyutparr.e arundhati / 
ylturam gamiffhlsi tvam ifigari$kaiy aai z 10 z 
yat te >gTabhaifi piiicin tat tarhipy iyatam punab / 
lik*i tvi vtivabhcsaji devebhir triyatim saha z xt z 

The following little table gives a brief view of the way in which the stanzas 
of the three versions correspond : 

RVKh. x, 2, 3, 4. 5 - 6 - 7 

S. 1, a, 4, 3, 5, 9, 7, 6, 8 
Ppp. x, 2, 3, 5, 4, 9, 6, 7, 8. 10, ix 

From the table it is easily seen that S. has all the stanzas of the khila plus 
two others, and that Piipp. has all the stanzas of S. plus two more: and per- 
haps one might with reason think that the first five stanzas once constituted 
the earliest form of the piece. 

Comparing the variant readings of the several texts we note that some of 

' Notes on the Piippalfcla test «s given above 

a b. The MS. readsig point* to at wydcBx! rather than to to amertra* I as Ed gotten 

writing for babtaicc U. mad the error yetsrf for hdtmd is easily made in the Kashmir MS . 

10 c. The last word erf that pdda a probably ca: the term gm above involves almost no 
change in the reading of thr MS. I take th« words to be >4 ~dluten +«£ 

28 LeRoy Carr Barret 

them show the two AV. texts in agreement against the khila, and some others 
show the khih and the Piipp. in agreement against the 5 . The details of these 
variants are given with a few comments.* In ta r&m of Piipp. and S. is not 
so literal as is bh&mtr of the khila; in ic Paipp. and S. do not seem to be 
exactly in agreement (though hlidt may be only a miswriting), but they arc 
in essential agreement as compared with the khila. The case in 2C is similar 
to that in tc, and in ad it seems very likely that both Pimp, and S. have 
nyaftcan I where the khila has unnya*cad In 3a Paipp. and S. have pre- 
sumably feminine, and the khila has isunJ which is properly masculine. In 
4 d the variation of the khila from the other two is marked and is repeated in 
gd. In 5a Piipp. and 5 . have a rohan, which seems to be of more frequent 
occurrence than sampatasi which the khila has; in 5b the variation between 
the khila and the other rwo seems to show a touch of colloquialism in the 
Piipp. and S. In 6a the variation of hranyavanu and ‘parp/ could easily be 
only graphic etror, hut in 6b a real variant seems to appear; Paipp and S. 
luffiut, khila tckpne, if the latter is acceptable. In stanza 9 Piipp. and S. do not 
agree exactly, but it is obvious that they are much closer to each other than is 
either to the khila. These agreements of the two AV. versions as against the 
khila indicate clearly a closer relationship between the two AV. versions than 
between them and the khila, but there does not soon to be any indication of 
such a thing as direct copying of one AV. version from the other. 

Another set of variants is worth notice. In ad Piipp. and the khila lave 
laivatOm, i.jarJnton ; in 4*bc where Piipp and the khila have locatives S. has 
ablatives (in 4a the khila should orohablr read mitiffhaty as the others); in 
5 d Piipp. tarhjaya, khila laOji yd, b. tparani ; in 9b Piipp. and khila parntm, S. 
crAfO*. These arc a few instances of a phenomenon frequently observed in 
Piipp., i.e. a tendency to agree with RV. rather than with 8. In 3a and 6c 
there are instances of agreement of S and the khila against Piipp. 

The two AV. versions of this hymn seem to be related as sisters and the 
RVKh. is a cousin, and the Paipp. version is somewhat more like its cousin 
than is the S. version: this may be due to closer geographical association of 
the Piippaladiiw with the RV. schools. The study of a number of hymns in 
this fiskion indicates a probability that many of the Atharvan hymns which 
appear in the RV. were drawn from the mass of Atharvan material befbre the 
formation of the texts of the different AV. Ukhis: such a study also yields 
some evidence that the Piippalada samhiti was formed before that of the 
Saunakiyas, though the evidence of this particular hymn does not ]x>int in 
that direction clearly if at all. for the last two stanzas of the PSipp. version arc 
pretty surely an addition to the nine stanzas which constitute the 5 . version. 

It is a pleasure to present this little study on one of India’s sacred books 
as a tribute to a scholar and distinguished leader in that land : lajivtt char ad ah 


Trinity College , Hartford 9 Connecticut. 

refer to the Pix^p 

otherwise *uted. 


B EREITS in den erstec Jahrhunderten der Hidjra ist die Tatsachc vol'ig 
verdunkelc worden, da» weder da* Sasanidenreich noch dessen Staats- 
religion, der Zoroastrismui.jenuU die gesamte iranische Welt umiasst ha ten. 
Auster dem zorcastrischen Iran gab e* ein ftlr das spitere Kulturleben der 
iranischen Welt durchaus nicht bed eutungs lose* buddhistisches Iran. Wie 
von mir an onderer Stelle hervorgehoben worden ist, sind beide Familicn, 
denen von den Pciscrn der mohammedanischen Zcit wie von der modemen 
Wiaaenachaft die Wiederbelebjng sasanidischer 'I'raditionen zugeschricben 
wird, die Barnukiden und die Samaniden, a us Balkh hervorgegangen, einer 
Gegend, ‘in welcher die Sasaniden viellricht nor kurze Zeit gehenscht liHtten, 
der Zoroastrismus ab Staatareligion niemaU anerkannt worden war'. 1 

Wie wir a us dem Berichte des Pilgers HQan Cuang (um 630 n. Chr.) wissen, 
war der Buddhismua jus einigen Gegenden (z. B. aus Samarkand)* kurz vor der 
arabiachen Erobening durch den Zoroastrismus verdringt worden ; in anderen 
Gcgcndcn, sudlich und n&rdlich vom Oxu*, sund er dagegen noch in volfer 
BlQtc und ist offenbar nur dem Islam gcwichen. Daa noch im VII. Jahrhundert 
n. Chr. von zahlreichen buddhistischen Mdnchen bewohntc Kloster Nau- 
bahar bei Balkh wild von Daqiqi (im Shah-Nama) als Tempel und Wall- 
fahrlaort .ms der Zeit ror der Bekrhrurg des Kflnigs Guahtasp sum Zoro- 
aatrismua beschrieben. Nach Biruni war in der Zdt vor Zoroaster die 
Religion der Buddhist mi uber ganz Persicn und Meaopotamicn bis zu den 
Grenzen von Syrien verbreitet. Zoroaster kam aim Adharbaidjan nach Balkh, 
wo er den KOnig Guahtasp zu seiner Lehrc bekehrtc; der Solm dicsea 
Kdnigs, Isfandiyar, verbrehetc die neuc Lchre in Ost und West, zum Teil 
durch Gewah, zum Teil durch Vertrtge; in alien Lindem von den Grenzen 
Chinas bis zu den Grenzen des rflmischcn Rcichca wurden von ihm Feucr- 
tempel errichtet. Unter den folgenden Kdnigcn wurde der Zoroastrismus in 
Persicn und Mesopotamia! zur allrinhcrrschenden Stastsreligion ; die Bud- 
dhisten wurden aus diesen Gegenden v n ti is b m und mimsten nach den 
Landcrn dstlich von Balkh auswandem.* Zu den Worten von Biruni wird im 
Djami' at-tawarikh von Rashid ad-din noch hinzugefugt, dass die Herrschaft 
des Zoroastrismus 30CO Jahre dauerte. Die von Biruni in einem frUheren 
Wcrk envihntcn Uberreste buddhistischer Kldeter im Grenzgebiet von 
Khorasan gegen lndien‘ wurden von ihm sclbst offenbar als Bauten aus 
vorzoroastrUchcr Zeit betrachtet. 

Einigr dieser Kultstatten sind jetzt unte.’sucht und als von der sasanidi- 
schen Kunst bccinflusstc buddhistische Denkmaler erkannt worden ; nach dcr 
Ansicht eines der neuesten Forscher, A. Godard, warm die KQnstlcr von 
* ZA. xrri 260. 

* Hiltoirt dfSavUdt Hixan 7 ?***. tnd. par Sc Juiien. p. 5 « /• 

* Alherani’* lata. a!. Sachtu. p. IO f. 

• Alberani, ChrmoUgif. «d. Saf», p. *06. 18. 

30 W. Barthold 

Bamiyan ‘sujcts bouddhistcs d’un monarque mazd^en'. 1 Nach cincr andcrcn 
Stclle dcsselbcn Werkes* atair.mtc dieser Monarch aus dcm Hausc dcr 
Sasanidcn ; naheres tiber semen Namen, seine Zeil und seine Rcgierung wird 
niche raitgeteilt. Wie Herzfeld nachgewiesen hat, hat es schon in III. Jahr- 
hundert n. Car. mehrere sasanidisene Prinzen-Statthalter von Khorasan 
gegeben, welche den Titel Kushamhah oder K nuHan -^ Kahans hah fllhrten; 
der erste dieser Prinzen-Statthalter, Peroz, der Sohn des Begrilnders dea 
Sasanidenreichm Ardaahir I (226-41), erscheint auf Beinen MOnzen als 
Mazdaverehrer und zugleich als Vcrehrer de* Buddha. J Munzcn wic Dcnk- 
miler zeugen also von der dies rail nicht feindlichen ‘rencontre mdmorable de 
deux grandes civilisations’ die von A. Godard* hervorgehoben wird. 

Schon ini ersten Jahrhundert der Hidjra muatten sich aowohl das zoro- 
astrische wie das buddhistische Iran der Hemchaft des Islam unteiwerfen. 
Dass die vom Islam den Christen und Juden gegenllber beobachtetc Duld- 
samkeit IrUh auf den Zoroastrismus ausgedehnt worden ist und dan cs in dem 
von den Arabern eroberten Persien, im Gcgen&atz zu den zoroastrischcn 
Legenden, keine religiose Vcrfolgung gegeben hat, ist jetzt allgemein 
anerkannt; daas unter der isLunischen Hemchaft der ala Grttwndienst 
betrachtete Buddhismua geduldet wrrdrr. konntr, achim unmdglich zu sein ; 
es schien deshalb keiner Bcwcise zu bcdGrfen, daas allea, was aich in islami- 
schen I Jmdem tod Dcnkmilern des Boddhisnuu findet, aus der Zeit vor der 
arabiachen Eroberung atammen musse. In der wisaenachaft lichen Literatur 
kehrt diese bcrcits mehrmab durch die Tataachen wider legtc Ansduuung 
imraer wiedcr. Als im Jlhre 1896 von Sven Hcdin die Ruincn cincr buddhi- 
stischen Stadt flstlich von Khotan entdeckt wurdca, schien cs dcm Rcisenden 
keiner Beweise zu bcdUrfen 'that the city is older than the Arab invasion of 
Kuteybeh Ihn Muslim in the beginning of the 8th century'; dieses kOnnc 
'without fear of contradiction' behaupttt werden.* Jetzt wiasen wir, dan 
Qutaiba nic dort gewesen ist und daaa der Buddhiamus aus dem heutigen 
Chinesichcn Turkestan durch den Islam roeist auf frledlicho Wcise ollmihlich 
verdringt worden ist. Ala bei Auagrabungen in Samarkand 'Tonfigurcn von 
Mcnschen und Tieren’ gefunden wurden, schien cs keiner Beweise zu 
bedOrfen, daw diese Figuren nur aus vorisbmiseber Zcit summen konnten ; 
M. Hartmann bezeichnet es als ‘sc hr unwahrscheirlich, dass solche Industrie 
etwa heitr.lich noch nach dem Jahre 93/712, dem Jahre der Eroberung, gelibt 
worden ist’. 6 Jetzt wissen wir, dass es sogar keiner Hrimlichkeit bediirftc; 
ganz offentlich wurden im islambchen Bukhara solche GOtzen (butOn) drcimal 
im Jahre verst cigert. Dcr im Jahre 286:^99 gtborene Verfasscr des ifh Jahre 
33 2 /943-4 Re«hriebenen Werkes fligt hinzu. dass dieser Brauch 'noch zu 
seiner Zeit bestanden hattc**; wie das Priteritum {buda ait) beweist, war zur 
Zcit der Abfassung seines Werkes dieser Handel nicht mehr uhlich, hatte aber 

■ A. Gocaid, Y. Godard. J. Hidrei. L*, A ’tip,:/-. BcuWenpm it BOmiydn, Paris « 
Bnuelle.. i M 8, p. 74. * IboL. p. 68. * Herxfdd Prikuli, 192., S. 45. 

* at. • Sr. Hrdic. 7Vc*f» Aha. London. 189S, p. Km. 

* OLZ. vR ,gos. Sp. 559- 

' Nerchakhr, DntTtftom it Buihsrz. ? . .9. Da. Get*nt.*hr des Verfaswa each 
S*un am. CMS. «x. 558 a. 

Der iranische Buddhismus und sein Verhdltms zum Islam 31 
bis zu der erstcn Hilfte dcs X- Jahrhundert* n. Chr. (etwa zoo Jahre nach der 
arabischen Eroberung) in der ialamiscben Sttd: besUnden. Jeizi glaubt auch 
A. Godard ohne irgend welche Bevreisc Tepoque oC appsrurent les arabes et 
oil pdrircnt ou devinrent musulmans les habitants de la paisihle vallee 1 ’ als 
terminus ante qucm auch fur die buddhistiscben HeiligtUmer in Bamij'an 
fatsctzen zu dfirfen- Ala diesc Zeit gilt ihm der Anting des VIII. 2 Jahrhun- 
dcrts, trotz der bereits mehrfach aagefuhrten Tatsacbe, dass noch im Jahre 
870 n. Chr. Gfltzenbilder aus Bamiyar ueggefflhrt und nach Baghdad geachickt 
worden sind.i Din die Araberauch in Indien nidit Immei ei nen Vemichtunga- 
krieg gegen den GOtzendienst gefOhrt haben, ist aus vielen Tatsachen zu 
erkennen. auf die hicr r-icht naher eingegangen werden kann ; es mag geniigen 
nif die klossische Stelle be*. Balazuri Uber die E robe rung von Alor (71a) durch 
Mohammed ibn al-Qasim hirmiwetaec. Die Sudt wird dem Feldherrn mit 
der Bedingung Qbergebcn, dan ihr Budd’ gfschont werde; der arabische 
Feldherr willigt ein und bemerkt dazu ‘Was andercs ist (flir uns) der Budd als 
die Kirchen der Chriaten, die Synagogea der Juden und die Fcucrtempel der 
Madjus’. Er legte ihnen den Kharadj auf und haute eine Mo*chee.« 

Durch vorurteilafreie und auf aorgftltigoi Quellenstudien beruhende 
Geachichtsforachung vrird wo hi immer mehr die Tatsache bcwicsen werden, 
doss die Wcltreligionen einundcr weniger achor.ungalos beklmpft und lfinger 
gcduldct haben ala meist angenoromen wird. 


Aeademy of Sciences, Ler.agrad. 

1 Cwlanl, op. at. p. JJ. " Ibid., J«. 

> Fihrur. 9 . J«6; Tabari, ML 1K41; FmOtknJt StUttm. 9 . 1S7; &>• biam ..v. 
IU„.vSn. • Baladasri, At Go*. 8 . 


J LEVY gibt in aeinem Naihebr. md. chald. WorUrbiuh als Bedeutung 
• vonKpreyi an : * L'ngHkksfall, unheilvolle* Ereignis'. Die beiden Belcge, 
die cr bringl, weisen den Plural ‘CnT ‘7 *uf, was er mit ‘Unfille’ Qberseizt. 
Das Wort ist auch im mode men Hcbriisch ganz gewflhnlich, aber mit dem 
Plural finder sich z war nicht im Thesaurus von Ben Jehuda, 

wo ja iiberhaupt die Fremdwbrter fehlca, aber im Deuluh-hebr. Wdrterbuch 
von S. M. Laser und H. Toeczyner z. B. wird 'MQhaaT, durch r^j^n und 
Kjn#"-! wiedergegeben. 

Wo stammt nun dieses seiner Form nach so sellsamc Wort her? Nach 
Levy. S. 496. ist es wahrscheinlich persischen Ursprungs, und in den von 
H. L. Fleischer stammerden Nachtrlgen daselbst S. 559 wird ea zuriick- 
geftihrt auf neupersisch »ii', ‘Vergar. genes, Geschehenes, Vorfall’. 
Fleischer empfiehh daher auch als richtige Auasprache die dann 

tatslchlich von Dalman in teinem Wdrterbuch ubemommen worden ist. 
Das aiilauterde n, das fur Fleischer cine Schwicrigkeil bildet, kftnnte, 
meint er, zur Unterstutzung von Spiegel's Vermutung dienen, class harp 
oder hrap die Wurzel von raft an is:. 

Ich weisa nicht, ob heute ooch jemand die Vermutung Spiegel's gclten 
lisst, aber selbst wenn sie richtig wire, Idfone dabei fiir die Erldiirung unscrea 
Wortea nicht* heraus. Denn aul der Sprachatufe, die fur die Entlchnung 
allcin in Bctracht kommt, hat tafia richer kein ar.lautcndcs h mehr gehabt. 
Wir werden uns also nach einer anderen Erklirung umsehen mQiwen, und da 
bietet sich soiusagen von selbst phlv. harpatk&r dir, dem neupera. 
cntsp’rcchcn wlirde. Von ‘jederflei) KampP, w»e ha palkOr zu Qbersetzen 
ware, ist aber, wic man rich:, zu 'MOhsai' kein greater Weg. Zu erkllren 
blcibt nur der Wegfall des auslautenden r. Der findet sich aber in der Sprsche 
dcs babyl. Talmud hekanntlich auch bei nyff fdr ’Vj 'ich aage’, so auch 
'er sagt’, K"e<, sage, (Imp.); es konn:c also auch hot palk&r zu harpaika > 
KTrrj? werden. Wir werden demnach an dicacr traditionellen Aiuwprache 
fcstzuhalten haben und die Anderung in ablehnen mQssen. 


Univarsily of H allt- Wittanbtrg. 


TH rapprochement de phL astatfto i (-r*,.), pas.ustutfan (prononc# usluyan) 
J-iavec av. ait-, ski. asthi ‘os’ ae reed compte que du debut du mot. Depuis 
Horn (Np. Etym., no. 85, p. 21), qui se ccntente de signaler cette forme 
'rcmarquable', le probleme demeure entier. 

C’est a 1’Ouest de l'lran que ce nom de I’os est sp&ialcment restreint. Les 
dialcctes orientaux ont conserve 9 as taka - : sogd. astaic, oss. stag, munj. yostly, 
i5k. taastuk, vaxi yali, sangl. astJA, yidg. yasldh, yagn. sitdk (Gauthiot, MSI 
xix. 152; Zarubin, Iran, i. 182). Le mot persan n’a pfetoi que paitiellemcnt 
au Pamir, man tr$s largement, et avec des alterations varides, dans les parlers 
limitrophe* de I'Ouest: slv. istig&n, nay. usuyOn, kurde siuj&n, gur. sllyan, 
voniJ. issiyflra, simn. astaqdn, aurom. dsteuyand, air. isteyprt, See. (Mann- 
Hadank, Kurdiseh-Persisehi Forsek. 111. 1. 229; Uenedictsen-Christensen, Dial, 
d'Auroman, p. 120). En pehlevi et en persan, aitaA.ast coexistent avec asta^On 
(ustuyan), ce qui fait soup^onner une nuance particilitre de sens. Si I’emploi 
tris rare de phi. astaqdn n’en laisse Hen tranaparahre (dans YArt. Vir. A 'dm., 
Ixxv. 2 il s’agit du supplice des os broyds), le persan ustvy'&n dvoque une idoc 
de vigucur encore perceptible dans 1 ‘accept ion de ‘homme noble, valcureux’ 
oil il ae rencontre accompagnd ou non de busurg. Le fait qu'il s'applique 
igalement aux oa des animaux et au noyau des fruits montre qu’il ddsigne non 
seulement la matieie osacuse, mais la substance dure, celle oil reside la force. 

Maint trmoignage atteste l’antiquitd de cette notion: dejk dans la doctrine 
les GSthSs, b vitality s’incorpote si intimement aux os qu'on a pu forger 
,’abstrait astantdt (asUntdl ) , litt.‘oas6td‘, commc expression dc la 'force vitale' 
*t synonyme de gaya (Y. xli. j). Dana l'Avcsta ricent asti-aufah- 'force des os' 
fquivaut k 'vigueur corporellc’; art- forme me me avec ultdna- un couple qui 
I'applique k I'existence dans ce qu’elle a de materiel et de spirituel k la fob. On 
Touvcrait unc frappantc illustration de cette idde dsns Yt x. 71 oCi les expres- 
liona 'colonne de vie'et ‘source de force' qualifent le tertne dcrit msrssu-, dont 
a traduction par 'vertdbres du cou' est assurer ( BSL xxxl. 80). Fn tout cas, 
me tradition constante paraft avoir fait des os le sidge de la force vitale. 

Dd* lore, dans phi. asta^Sn (peut-*tre astu^On avec 1'dpcnthkse dc u commc 
Ians nux. f arru X< &c), on reconcaitra un anden pluriel, analogue iyasdOn, 
•than, et dont le singulier •tfifa*'- te decompose en •ast-ajf 'force des os', 
’hi. ax’ (phi. T. «x) e*t >»« notoirement dc av. ahu-, ahvd- (dcrit awhvS-) 
force vitale' et a conserve le meroc sens. M. Nr berg me aignale aimablcment 
•hi. pdUyVt 'bien-dtre, bonheur'. abstrait de •patitf < •pati-aAvd- peu rvn de 
orce’. On conceit que le compose se soil tris tdt fix* au pluriel, car il ddsignait 
a os en gdndral, la charpentc osseuse et b vertu qui s'y attachait ; e’est astah 
ui servait pour un os particulier. Suivant toute apparencc, asta^&n ne 
•rovient pas de b bnguc thcologique. La raretd de son emploi en pehlevi 
ttdraire, sa valeur expressive, et b forme sous laqudle il a subsiste denonccnt 
r emprunt k b languc popubire du Nord-Ouest. E benveniste 

University of Paris. 



T 7 INE merkwvirdige Stelle des Danidbucbes macht uns mit dcr VorstcUung 
- 1 — ^bekannt, dass die Juder. cincr. Schutzengel Pcrsiens kannlen. Der 
Visionir hat sich 3 Wochen lang durch Fasten und Unterlassung der Salbung 
auf den Emptang einer Offer, baning rorbereitet. Da erscheint ihm der Engel, 
um ihm die Kunde zu bringen von dem, was seineni Volke am Ende der Tage 
begegnen wird (Dan. x. 14). Drei Wochen hat er Daniel auf dies* Mitteilung 
warten basen, obwohl dieser vom enten Tage seiner Trainierung an Erhfirung 
gcfundcn hat (V. 12); aber ao '.ange Zeit ist dcr Engel aufgehalten worden 
durch den Schutzcngel des peratschen Retches. Da erst ist ihm Michael, der 
Schutzengel Israels, ab einziger, der ihm beiateht, zu Hilfe gekomrnen; nun 
hat cr ihn beim Schutzengel Persiena zurijckgeLuaen, 1 aber eilends inuss er 
zurlickkehren, um mit dem Schutzengel von Peraien zu kiur.pfen ; denn kaum 
wird er mil ihm fertig geworden sein,* so Ut schon der Schut2engel von 
Griechenland sum Kampfe auf dem Plan (V. 13. ao f.). 

Ea aind 3 Gcdanken, die bier unsere Aufroerkaamkeit in Anapruch nchmen : 

(1) Die einzeluen Volker haben ihxe Qberainnlichen Stellvertreter ; 

(a) Was dieae tun oder cr lei den, ist far daa Schicksal ihrer Volker maMge- 

(3) Diese Vorbildung der Geachichte geht im Himncl vor sich alinca. 
Dicscn 3 Gcdanken gilt ea in Kunx nachxuspilrcn. 


Der Text spricht Dan. x. 13 wan tat maik&t paras, dem Obcrstcn des 
Kttnigrrichr* Persia*, bezw. V. 20 vom tar pitas, i dem Oberaten Peraiena. 
Das kOnnte, rein sprnchlich beaehen, Bczcichnung einea meaachlichen Obcr- 
hauptea *cin, wie a. B. Ester i. 14 von den 7 ual paras, d.h. den dem KOnig 
ndchststchc nden Groaaen, die Rede ist, und damach iat ea auf den ersten 
Blick verstandlich, vrenn iltere Excgctcn an uns era Stelle an C>-nia dachten. 
Aber waa die Frage aofort in anderm Sinne cntschcidct, ut die mit dcr Stelle 
unmitt cl bar verbundene Verwendung dr* tar als Betrichnung des Engels 
Michael. Damach iat ein Zweifel nkht mfiglich: dcr tar paras gehOrt in die 
Kategorie der Uehcmnnlichen, und genauer: er vcrhfilt sich zu Persicn wie 
Michael sich zu Israel verhllt, dil. dass er Pcrsiens Schutzcngel ist wic 
Michael der Schutzengel Israels. Ea Ut langst erkannt, was da3 bcdcutct : 
Engel aind nicht selbstherrlichc, sondem Gott untergeordnctc Wcsen, Mittel- 
wesen zwischcn ihm und Mensch. Und damit ut bereits gesagt, dass dcr 
Autor des Daniclbuches, fur den neben dem Gott acmes Volkes kein leben- 
diger Gott cxisticrt, und dcr also auch keinen selbstandigen Gott Persicns 
anerkennt, an dessen Stelk cincr. Engel treten Ifcst, der aU solcher cine dem 

1 Ich lew inch LXX und Tbrodooon kOani nan dr* uberUefertm nfuvtl, wu mu 
notddrftig wklfct : Wlhrsnd id) (rortwr) an Knp: alleai geteaer. worden war. 

* i - sh Sieger h«™*eh*n. 

> Worn nun nicht such tier inch LXX mrlkCt unfGgen will. 

Der Schutzengel Persiens 35 

Judengott untergeordnete Stellung einnimmt. Man cntdeckt hier gcradczu 
eine der Quellen, aus vrekher jucischon Engelglauben neue Nahrung 
zufliessen konnte: es gibt Engel, die dcposscdicrtc Goner fremder Vdlker 
aind. Die Religionsgeschichte, auch die judische, lehn uns cine Reihe von 
Beispielen kenncn, wo aus sokhen depo&sedierten Gotthciten Darnonen 
geworden aind . 1 So tief dr rick: der Autor des Daniclbuches den Persergott 
nicht hir.ab. Das rr.flchte darait zusammenhangcn, dass die Beurieilung der 
pcrsischen Religionswelt jlldischerseits iibcrhaupt keinc unfreundliche 
gcwcsen zu sein scheint, und mil Recht, trat den Judcn in lhr doch die 
hfichsistehende entgegen, die sic bislang ha Hen kennen lcmen, ja sogar eine 
der ihren nach gewisien Seilen hin verwandic, und sie habcn sic wcnigcr 
vcrketzert, ala dass tie sich ron ihr in Vcrachiedenetn selber beeinflusscn 

Ob aber gerade die uns beschifiigende Vorstellung des Schutzengels einea 
Volkea persischcr Hcrkunfl iai? Ich wOaste nicht. dass sich auf persindiem 
Boden eine entsprechende Vontellung nachweiaen licssc ; denn ich glaube 
nicht, dass von den Fravashi her dem Gedanken eine* Kollektiv-Schutzgeistea 
bcizukommen ist. Auch kann ich hdchatens sis eine Amegung die Fiage 
aufwerfen, deren Bcnntwortung ich Iranistcn Oberlamcn tnOastc, ob sich hier 
allenfalls eine Verbindungslinie rum Khshathra viiriys, dem 'erwunschtcn 
Reich’, ziehen lie***. Bekanntikh ist Khshsthra vairiya der Genius der 
Metalle, und es ist uuwtrittcn, wie dss mil seiner getstigen Fassung ala 
erwUnschtes Reich in EmkUng zu bringen ist . 1 Sollte cr sis Geist der Mctallc 
zum Geut der Waffen geworden sein. durch die er dss gewrinschte Reich xur 
llcmchaft bringt? Dann I tease sich xum tar malkta ptoat wohl eine Bezie- 
hung denken. Oder solhe man nocb tuf den Bundahish rekurrieren dtlrfen: 
'la fonction de Shartrar eat d’interceder aupda d’Auhmuzd er favour des 
psuvres’.* Aber ich wage nicht, midi auf den Boden sole her Spckulationen 
zu begeben. 

Wichtiger ist xu betonen, dass die Xotwcndigkdt, fremde Becinfluasung 
nachzuweiseti, Uberhaupt erst da gegeben ist. wo sich eine Vorstcllung nicht 
sus den PrSmisscn der cigencn Gedanken welt erkliren lasst. Und so kdnntc 
tnun im vorliegenden Falle zunichst eine vom Standpunkt des Monotheismus 
aus vollzogene Umdeutung der alten HridengOtter annehmen, die sich 
jUdischem Glauben schon auf dem Wcge de* Nacbdenkens und der Kom- 
bination ergeben konnte. Jahre war fUr ihn zum alkinigen Gott geworden. 
Wie verhiclt cs sich denn nun mil den andern GOttern ? Sie wurden behandeli , 
wie man ihre Volker hehandelte. Diese wollte man entweder vemichtet 
wissen oder dem J mien gott unterworfen. So liess man ihre Gbtter entweder 
der Vemichtungarheimfallen/ oder man machte sie xu Jahve uotergeordneten 
Organen. Als solche hatte man ja schon Engel, auch Schutzengel, wenigstens 

■ Vgi. W W. (iraj BawHaim. Stmbm z*r SrwrM'hr* MiginusnchckU. 1. 1876, S. laa 

* Vgl. Louis H. Gray. Tls Doubt* Nature of tt* Iranian Archangel*', Aft., *ii, >904, 
P- 363. 

1 Darmeeteter, ZA, ii. 313. 

* Vgl. a. B. Er rii. is. Jt 9 jdx. i. ni. f, tiii. 1 £ ; Jer. a. t 1 ; E*. xxx. 13; Zeph. ii tt. 

36 Alfred Bertholet 

individudle (tuch Art der babytonisch-assyrischen 1 ). Warura dicsc frcmden 
Gottwesen den Engeln nkht emfacfa zugeselkn? Und an diescm Punkt 
konntc vieBeicht die Analogie persischer Vorstellungen fOrdemd cinwirken. 
Wcnigstens hilt Cumont 2 persischen Urspning des Gedankens eirics hbchsten 
Gotta, der als Herrscher an der Spitze organisierten Hofes stehe, filr 
wahracheinlich, vcrgleiche man dock den Himmelsgott oft nicht nut einem 
Kdnig Uberhaupt, sondcm mit dem Grosskonig und spreche von seine n 
Satrapen. Damit war ja nun auch die Mog l i ch keit gegeben, das Verhiltniss 
dca alleir.igen Gottcs zu Israel gegemiber seinem Verhiltniss 7.11 den andern 
Vdlkem auf die Dauer zu differenzieren. 

Das ist der Standpunkt Jesus Siracks, der ctwa um cine Generation Biter 
ist als der Verfasser des Daniclbuchca, wenn cr aagt (xvii. 17) : *Ueber jedes 
Volk setztc er cinen FUrsten (er raeint : einen himmlischen, d.h. einen Engel), 
aber das Erbteil des Herm iat Ianel'. Mit Recht atelh man daneben die 
Stelle Deutn. xxxii. 8 f., deren Text nach LXX zu korrigieren ist (a liandclt 
sich um das, was die Viter und Aelteaten denen, die sic fragen, zu mclden 
wiuen) : 'Ala der Hochste den VUliem ihr Erbe gab, als er die Menschenkinder 
schied, die Grenzer. der Nationcn steckte, nach der Zahl der GottenOhne, da 
ward Jahva Anteil sein Volk, Jakob sein zugemessenes Erbe'.* Die Stelle, die 
etwa der Zeit bald nach Hoekiel angchflren mag. zeigt, daas die Vorstcllung 
dieser VOlkcrengel zeitlich schoo weitcr zunickrcicht, und vicllcicht licht 
man sich durch Deutn. iv. 19 (vgl. xxix. 25) veranlaaat, sie noch hOher 
hinaufzurUcken, womit die Annahme persist her Becaufluasung wieder an 
Boden verlflre. Ikstimmtcr begegnet uns cine Vorstcllung in 
Psalmen, deren Alter alletding* nkht mit Sicherbeit zu ergrilndcn ist. So 
wendet sich der Dichter des 5 8. tea Psalmes gegen Gfltter, die ungerechte* 
Gcricht sprechen. Nur zu Unrecht hat man dieae Gutter auf merachliche 
Richter deuten wollen, seien a heidnischc, aeicn es jtidische. Vor Vergfltt- 
lichung von Mcnscken hat jUdiichr* Empfindcn stets Halt gemacht. VieU 
mehr denkt der Dkhter an die himmlischen Regentcn der VOlker, unter 
deren politischer Hcrrachift man steht und in deren Namen, vicllcicht von 
Juden sdber (vgl. Iviii. 4), Parteigangern jener Fremdcn, da* Gericht gehand- 
habt wird. Fllr dieae Dcutung des schwer dcutbaren Psalroe* spricht ganz 
cntachiedcn der parallele 82. te. Wenn hicr nimlich die glcichen ungerechten 
Richter mit dem Fluch bedroht werden: 'FOrwahr wie Menschen so lit ihr 
sterben, wie der Fllrsten einer fallen’ (V. 7), so ist das cine Drohung, die nur 
Sinn hat, sofem sie auf Nicht-Menachen geht. Was also der Dichter erwartet, 
wenn cr unmittelbar anschliessend Jahve auffordert, dk Erde zu richten, wcil 
er der Erbherr Uber alle Vfllker aei, das ist der entscheidcndc Skg des 

' Die orientahiefiet JUgMM* vn rrnucArw tfooBDu. 1910, S. J» 7 - 

1 Dm i»t die Ueberaetxww Buddc* (Dm Ltd Mttet. S. 47 f.). Nui nraaf idi Budde 
nicht xu fblgen, wenn er meint. d»» bier nicht Jshre die Un d er und VeBcer vertefle, Kind cm 
dnss tin bScbstc: Gctt woo lin untenchieden werdc usd a sc ’.lei xunfcchst ■)> par inter porn 
mchetoe. Dm win tn der Tst, wie Budde «etb*r (S. 19) urtrih, cine 'Ketterei. die vidieicht 
im gnnxen AT nur him xu Tige trite’. Aber soldse ‘Ketrerei’ veimtj ich einem jQdiichen 
Autor nicht xuzutrnuen. sondem fuse «j*i eirftch lb Wedwdbe ari ff ru J.hvt wie *. B. P«. 

Der Schulsmgel Persians 37 

jiidischen Monotheismus ilber die letzten Reste tics Polytheism us, von denen 
er sich doch selber, die einstigen HeidengGtter als Jahvc untergeordnetc 
Gottwesen behandebid , noch nicht ganz Irei getnicht hat (vgl. noch Ps. 
Ixxxix. 6). Auf der selben Linie halt aich die sogenannte Tierapokalypse da 
Hcnochbuchea(KapLxxxv-xc.)rrjt ihrer Nennung drr 70 Hirten ; denndas sind 
nicht, wk man fruher wohl tncinte, heidnischc Herrscher, es sind iiberhaupt 
keinc Menschca (sonst mftsat cr . sic der Qbngcn Darstellung dieser Apokalypse 
gemaas als Tiere dirges tel It sein), sondern d:e himmlischen Prototypen der 
heidnischen Herrscher, Qbersinnliche Regenten, di>. VBlkercngel, und sie 
itehen unter der Aufsicht eines ar.dern Hirten, dJi. des Engels Michael, der 
nach dem Vorbild des babylonischen Schreiberengels Nabu iiber ihr Tun 
Buch zu ftihren hat (Intxix. 6t).‘ Dieser ganze Glaube an Engclfdrstcn ah 
Vdlkerfuraten wurde in der spatjiidischen Literatur traditionell. So kennt 
2. B. Pcsikta 150 b die FUrsten voo Babel. Median, Javan, Edom. Sie alle 
ieh Jakob auf der Himradsle.ter. Die Zahl aber dieser EngelfUmen ent- 
spricht derjenigen der VOlker, die nach ihren Sprachen nach der baby- 
loniachen Sprachverwirrung entstanden: 70 1 diese Zahl wiedemm cine 
Abkiirzung aus 7a, die ihrerieiu auf die babyloniache Eintcilung des Jahrea 
in 72 FUnftugewochen zurtickxugchen acbeint.' 


Aber nun ist weiter lehrreich der Gedanke, dass was diese Obersinnlichen 
Stellvertrcter tun Oder Icidcn. fur das Schickaal ihrer Vfilker mangebend 
wird. Deutlkh wirkt hier der unite Gedanke der Solidarity von Gott und 
Volk nach, auch nachdem dKse Gfltter ftir den jtidiachen Autor aufgehBrt 
haben, itn eigentlichaten Sinne des Wortes Gdtter *u »«in. Aber wie achwer 
es den Juden Oberhaupt fie!, rom Solidarititagedanken loszukommcn, auch 
nachdem er von einem Hesckiel auf* Entschiedenste beklmpft worden war, 
Ichrt achon ein Hinwei. auf Je. 53. Vor alien. :i«t sich gerade am Daniclbuch 
beobachten, wie fur aeinen Verfwser der Gedanke an den Herrscher einca 
Reiches (und diese himmlischen Prototypen bczcichnet er ja auch mit dem 
Ausdruck 'FQnten') mit dem Gedanken dea Reiches aelber zussmmenfliesM. 
Das ersieht man besenders deutlkh aus dem Traume des zweiten Kapitela 
und der Deutung, die er ihm zu Teil we r den Ubat: das Bild, das Nebukad- 
nezar schaut: sein Haupt von Gold, seine Brust und seine Arme von Siibcr, 
sein Bauch und seine Leaden von Era, seine Schenkel von Eisen, seine Ftwse 
teils von Eiscn, teils von Ton, — das ateUt unmissvcrstandlich die vicr 
Weltreiche dar: ‘Nach dir wird ein anderra Reich, das gcringer ist ah das 
deine, erstehen, nach ihm ein andercs drittes . . . und ein viertes Reich wird 
nach dir sein*. Nichtscestoweniger wird da* Haupt nicht auf das babylonischc 
Reich gcdcutct, sondem 'das goldene Haupt bist dur Dem entsprechcnd 

' VgL Bertfcotet. BftfiieW Tfuobgi* da AT (StsUe II). 1911. S. JJ 7 - 

* VgL 1. B. Tsrg. jer. ru Gen. xi. 7 f- i«d na Guatn Strsck-Bfllerbeck. Komnuntar sum 
NTouj Talmud und ididiauk. II. S. 360. HI. S. *S 

• VgL W. Bcusset-H. CcMwr.ton. Du fOHgiai da J»de»t**u im mi Zafltm*, 19*6. S. 
146. «. 3 ** 

38 Alfred Bertholel 

dlirfte vielldcht nicbt zu del in den Text gelegt sein, wenn man beim Men- 
schensohn des 7. ten Kapitels, cer zunichst Bild ist fUr das uberlegene Reich, 
das mit der Judenhenschafc anbrcchen soli, nachdem die unter dem Bilde 
wilder Tierc dargestcllten Weltreiche zusammengebrochen sind, doch zugleich 
an den personlichen Vertreter des jiidischen Reiches, d Ji. im besondern Falle 
an den Messias, 1 denkt. A us dem Gedankec dieses solidarischen Zusammen- 
hanges von Reich und Vertreter des Reiches wird vers tin dlich, inwiefern dcr 
A us gang des Kampfes mit dem Schutzengel Persiens fur Persiens eigenes 
Schicksal besdmmend werden kann. 

Einc weitcre Illustration zu der in Frige stehenden Voretellung diirfte 
Jes. xxiv. 2t zu entnehmen *em. won der Autor dieser (spiten) Stellc 
als die vom kommenden Gericht Betrortenen ‘das Heer in der H6he' in 
unmittelbarer Parallele zu den 'KOnigen des Erdbodens’ nennt * Den hier 
angenommenen Sinn haben schon sphere Ribbinen aut den Worten herausge- 
lesen, wie denn Oberhaiipt spStere judische Litentur ein Enttprechendes mit 
bcHonderem Nachdruck geme wiederholt. So sagt R. Chanini (um 225): 
■Nicht bestraft Gott eine Nation cher, als bis er zuvor ihren Engelfdreten im 
Himmcl bestraft hat.' Und R. Q'mr b. P*dath (um 270) weist cs an ver- 
schiedenen Beispielen nach: 'Als der Pharao und Aegyptcn auszog, die 
Ieraelitcn zu verfolgen, erhoben sie ihre Acgen gen Himmel und when den 
Engelfdrsten Aegyptens in der Luft fikgen'. Das bedeutet Aegyptens eigenen 
Sturz. 'So findest du es auch bei Nebukadnezar, daas Gott zuvor deasen 
EngelfUrsten gestiitzt hat, wie es heiut: "noch war daa Wort in des K6nig* 
Mund, da fiel Qol (— Stimme) vom Himmel”'. R. J’hoschu* b. Abin (im 
4 - J h<,t ) luf ge*agt : 'Der Engclftlm dea Nebukadnezar hatte den Namcn Qol, 
und Gott warf ihn herab*. Wicdcrum soil der Engelfilrat, der mit Jakob rang 
(Gen. xxxii. 29), der ErgelfOrat Eaaua (— Roma) gewesen sein, das nartlrlich 
dem Untcrgang geweiht ist. Ea erilbngt sich, weitcre Be lege anzufUhrcn ; aie 
aind bereits von Strack-Billerbeck* gesammelt. 

Im Gcdonken dieses solidarischen Zuswranenhangcs von Engclftlrit und 
irdischem Reich kann man eine Nachvvirkung magischer Vomellungen linden 
und zvrar dessen, was man mit dem Namcn sympathetischer Magic zu 
hezeichnen pflegt: das Ergehen des Ganzec ist mit dem Ergehen eines seiner 
Tcile innerlich verhaftet. Gleichzdtig offenhart sich im Bcispicl, von dem 
wir ausgegangen sind. ein Stuck homOopatlmchcr (oder imitativer) Magie: 
der Ausgang dcs persOolichen Zweikampfes (im besondern Falle: des 
jiidischen Engels mit dem persischen Schutzengel) ist Vorausbilduug des 
Ausganges dcs kommenden Gesamtkampfrs Israels mit Persien, und so 
gewisa nach der Meinung des judischen Autore der jQdische Engel Ober den 
persischen den Sieg erringen muss, so pewiss erscheint ihm das Schicksal 
Persiens als besiegelt. Bekarmtlkh ist es aus entsprechenden Voraussetzungen 

' Vielldcht admebte als wkher den-. Verfauet Michael der •MenacbenShnlieh*' *or; 
vgl. Berthe let, "Daniel und die Griechaehe Gefahr" (R*tigumiir:tHrlitUc>u VoOubUthtr, ii. 
17). 1907. S. S« <• 

2 Die Auucbddung «oo V ai b (Budde in der Kautzacfcbibel) durfte a. T. auf einer 
Verkenmwj dieser Voruedir.j berahen; aie itom rich frdbeh auch aul roeiriwhe GtOnde. 

1 A.o.O., iii, S. 50 f. 

Der Sckutzengel Persiens 39 

hciaus mannigfach Brauch ge worden, einem Kollektivkainpf eincn peisfln- 
lichcn voraufgehen zu listen. Auf Uraelitifchem Bcden wird man das 2 Sam. 
ii. 14 ff. erwahnte Kampfspiel nach seinem urspnlnglichen Sinn tin cm solchen 
Gedankenzusammenhang ruzurechnen baben. Um nur ein ausserbiblischea 
Bcispiel namhaft zu macken, wnwiie ich auf das, was uns Tacitus von den 
Germs nen bcrichtet : ‘ Aus dem Volke, welchem der Krieg gilt, suchcn sic auf 
irgend eine Wei sc cinen Gcfangtnen aufzugreifen ; diesen lassen sic dann 
mit eincm aus dcr Mine ihrer Landsleute GewShlten kimpfen, jeden mit 
stinen heimischen WafFtn. Dcr Sicg dcs eiocn odcr andem wird dann als 
Vorspiel der Entscheidung ar.gesehen*. Groenbech* wird richtig empfunden 
haben, wenn er urteilt : ‘In dea bciden Kxiegem war daa Heer koczentriert . . . 
und ihr Kampf wurde entscheidcnd, denn er wirkte auf das Lebenwentnun’. 
Entsprcchcndes gilt vom Kampf der Engelfursten : er wird erst aus grOeseren 
Zusammenhingen guu versundtn. 


Endlich der Gedanke dcr himmlischcn Voifeikiung. Er ateht an dieaer 
StcUe im Alten Testament nicht vcrdmelt. Daa bekannteslc Beispiel, (las ea 
uns dafUr liefert, ist wohl das Ex. xrr. 9, 40 vorausgesetxte hinunlische 
Modell der Stiftahilttc. Auf eine verwandte Vorttellung weiat der 139-te 
Psalm, wenn cs richtig ist, seinen verderbten i6.ten Vers in der Weise her- 
zustellen, wie ich es* im Anschluss an Kittel getan hahe: *Alle mcine Tage 
•then Deinc Augen, und auf Deir.em Buche atehen sie alle, sind gesdirieben, 
the n, gtbildtt, alt dvulbtn noth hmer fiir noth da war*. Im Blick auf diese 
Stelle kOante man sieh fragen, ob nicht Jes. xxxiv. 16 ein anderer Sinn ab- 
xugewinnen ist, ab gewOhnlkh geschieht : 'Forachet im Buche Jahves: keines 
von ihnen’ — cs handelt sich um die dimonenhaften Wcsen, die vom ver- 
wUsteten Edomiterland Besitx nehmen aollcn— 'bleibt aus’. GewOhnlich faast 
man das Jahvebuch ab die Schrift ernes Propheten. untcr UmatSndcn aogar 
des Verfawers der Stelle sdher, der akh hkr, trie Duhm meint , unwillkllrlich 
in den Propheten, der er aein wolle, und in den Sdiriftgekhrten, der er sei, 
teile. Aber aollte hier vielleicht nicht (wk in Pa. cxxxix) Bezug genommen 
acin auf die himmlischc BuchfQhnmg, welche die Ereigniwe auf Erden 
antizipiert ? J Was zu Gunaten eines derartigen Verstindnisaes der Stelle noch 
in ’a Gewicht fallen kdnntc, ist, dass dcr Gedanke der himmlbchen Voraua- 
bildung im gleichcn Kapitel vexroutlich jehon cinmal ausgesprochen ist in 
den W Often V. 5 a * ‘mein Schwcrt trinkt akh satt im Himmel’. Daa geschieht, 
ehe ea auf Edom niederfahrt, um sich da an Blut und Fett der Erachlagencn 
zu aSttigen. Auch hier also nimmt der Himroclsvorgong das irdi^che 

• Bertholet- Lehmann. ia Refcio^wrecfcrAtefaiaBtepie <k U Sauaiaye'), ii, S. 578. 

* In der Kautzechbibel. 

* So noienlines aucb Charles Cutler Torrey. The S~amJ .'idah. 19*8, S. 394; nor ist seine 

Berufuna .of Ps tri. S (e, Obriens lei. 9 iasofem nicht mtreSend, * 1 » e. 

sich lvi. 9, um nachtritficfae Aufteehn jng in <U. pdttliche Metfcbuch handelt. 

• E. bedaif ako nicht dcr etWaeen Aeaderaagen semes Wottlauiea. die man *.T. hat 
vomehmen wollen ; bGchstm curfre die Verbalform ah Kal n Seen win. 

40 Alfred Bertholet 

Geschehcn voraus . 1 Wie im Himmel also auch auf Erden. Man kcnnt diesen 
Gedanken vor alltin als babyioniscben. wo ab tin Grundsatz gilt: 'Ein Vor- 
zeichen, das am Himmel sich wiedcrholt, wiederholt sich auch auf Erden ; cin 
V'orzcichen, das sich auf Erden wiedcrholt, wiedcrholt sich am Himmel 1 . 1 
Einer derartigen Grundaurfassung entspricht der babylonische Glaube, dasa 
die Gtschicke, die fiir jedes Jahr am Ncujahrstag von neuem festgesetzt 
werdeu, auf die Schicksaistafeln aufgcschrieben werden, wie denn auch auf 
cine ‘unabamlerlicbe Tafel' acfgezeichnet wird, welche Abgrenzung Himmel 
und Erde haben, ob die Tage dcs Hcrrechers long oder ob er mit Kachkom- 
rnenachaft geaegnet werden soli . 1 Den Nachklang solcher Gedanken vemimmt 
man z.B. coch aus der (christlichen) Ascenaio Jcaajac. die ea (vii. to) als 
Axiom auaaprkht : ‘so wie dr o ben ist ea auf der Erde ; denn das Abbild dessen, 
waa in dem Firmament ist, ist hier auf Erden’. In den Zusammenhang dicscr 
Gedanken gehOrt ua. die merkwtlrdige jOdiachc Idee von eincm wunderbaren 
(himmliacben) Doppelglr.ger dea Mcnschen. einem zweitee hnhcrrn Tell, das 
nicht der Menach selbst at und doch mit thm in unaufldsbarer Verbindung 

Immer wieder utOast man auf die Ucbcrraschung religi on Resell ichtlicher 
Analogien, auch da, wo man aie vielleicht am Allerwenigsten sucht. So 
atelle ich neben die lctztgenannte Idee, was ich K. 'Eh. Prcuas* liber Einge- 
borene Amcrikas camehme: Ween die Lebenakraft bei der Geburt in den 
Menschen verptlamt wird, bleibt im Himmel ala GegenstUck des Lebenden 
dir "Perle" {tduka) ruriidc, die bei dem Tode verdorrt*. Mit dieaera Beispicl 
ain«l wir von der Idee dca Schutzcngels Peraiens weit abgerlickt, und doch 
beatcht hier lettten Endca cin wenn auch noch ao entfemter Gedankenzusam- 
menhang. So stark erweist sich wieder einmal denn ron einer direkten odcr 
auch nur indirekten Gedankentibertragung iat ja in diesem Fallc nicht die 
Rede -die Macht dea ‘VOlkergedankena’, ein Zcicbcn, wic rchgionsgcschicht- 
lichc fcmzelphinomenc immer wieder auf grdnere phinomcnologischc 
Zmummcnhingc hindeuten. 


University of Berlin. 

• Daroach ert»di*« *ch die Bemartuof lemen Exrgrm, xu dieter Stella : ’the sword it 
‘wted" after it has d«*eended upon the ■xton. Dot before'. (C. C. Totrey, bji.O., S. *83). 
Vgl. nod. Jaa. tnrii. U. 

• Vfil. A. Jeremies. Uaadbvch in altenutUiuslun GeiitttMn*. igr J. S. 171. 

• V B L Br. Mriimr . Bcbyltritn .W Auyrun, II. 1915, S. taj. 

• Douwt-Gmxnar-i, aj.O . S. 3*4- 

• Dt t Emgrbo'nm AeuriMa {lUkgiassfrtihckUuhn LtsrtmcV, hr^. ron. A. Benholrt, a, 
I9a6. S. 4 ) 



T HE languages that are spoken in the various parts of the world, probably 
somewhere in the neighbourhood of one thousand, have been, through the 
efforts of linguist* and student* of language, grouped into speech-families, the 
member* of each of which give, more or less clearly, evidence of a common 
origin. The exact number of such speech-families it is difficult to state with 
any degree of certainty on account of the wide variation in the assiduity and 
intensity with which the different groups have been studied, and the con- 
sequent impossibility of stating just what are the linguistic relations and con- 
nexions of many languages. There are certainly over a dozen clearly marked 
linguistic families, which number would probably be considerably increased 
by a more complete knowledge of the world’s idioms. Some of the moat 
important of these speech-families are the Indo-European, the Semitic, the 
I [amine, the Finno-Ugrian, the Dravtdian, the Monosyllabic, the Malayo- 
Polynesian, the South African or Bantu, and the American. 

While linguistic science has been able to group the world’s languages into 
a comparatively small number of families, it h*s proved a task of excessive 
difficulty to establish any certain connexion between any of these families. 

The possibility of such a relationship is neither to be denied nor assumed 
a priori. It depends on our answer to the question as to whether the human 
race had a single or multiple origin, s question which we are not at present in 
a position to decide and perhaps never shall be. If all races and peoples have 
descended from one common human stem, then it is most likely that all 
languages are ultimately related, though even in this case there is a possibility 
that the origin of articulate or connected s p eec h , aa distinct from the inarticu- 
late speech of animals, falls after the separation of the original ancestral group 
into several divisions, in which event a number of unconnected languages 
would have developed independently. If we assume that the various racca 
have originated independently of one another, their respective language* must 
of course be unrelated. 

The Indo-European and Semitic speech-families, on account of the part 
played in the world’a history by the peoples speaking these tongues, arc more 
important, probably, than any other group or groups of languages, and natur- 
ally more effort has been expended in their case in the attempt to prove their 
kinship. Efforts to establish this relationship have been undertaken by both 
Indo-Europeanists and Semitists, and striking suggestions have been made 
with regard to methods of comparison, and attention has been called to many 
apparent points of contact. The chief Semitist to devote any attention to this 
question was the great Avyriologot Friedrich Delitzsch. On the Indo- 
European side probably the most significant work along this line has been, and 
is being done, by the Scandinavian scholar Hermann MOller. 1 

■ Work, dfjjjg with the .-efotjon b.!w**o Indo-Earopeo. >nd Soniac before the publica- 
tion of DelitMcb’. Studhn .re of little » ibjc. The os bnporant trr:C.J. AkpU. Del newo 

42 Frank R. Blake 

In comparing any two languages with a view to their possible relationship, 
four things, phonology, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary, must be sub- 
jected to scrutiny. In comparing two speech families with the same end in 
view, syntactic resemblances, unless the constructions are very peculiar, count 
for very little, its there is far greater likelihood that two similar constructions 
should be developed independently, than that two similar words with similar 
meanings, or two similar farms with similar use should be unrelated. Syn- 
tactic resemblances ordinarily become important only when they offer support 
to a relationship already shown by forms or words. 

In the realm of the comparative syntax of Indo-European and Semitic, 
while there are some rather striking si mi larities between Semitic and Gaelic, 
there is nothing that appears to be significant. 1 

In the comparative morphology of the two speech-families, aside from the 
fact that final inflexion is found in both Indo-European and Semitic to denote 
the person of the verb (in Semitic initial inflexion is also found), and the cases 
of the noun, there are no striking correspondences. It is true that the im- 
portant element of the endings of the second person singular and plural is 
a dental t or ih in both groups, that the ending of the first person in Assyrian 
and Ethiopic contains a A, which may be compared with Latin and Greek ego, 
and that the nominative u of Assyrian and Arabic may be compared to Latin 
and Greek u-t, -o-r, but there is nothing compelling about any of these com- 

Ario-wmilifo Letters •) preleeaore A. Kftho*. Pohuxmso. txi. Milano. 1H64; ‘Letter* 
•sennas’. PoUfcmet, nii. iS*,; 'S.udj Ano-Sem,.*,'. M H«,h LeratWe,, 1867. R v Reornar, Die Urt.i-aaduchaA d. •rmit..rhen u. indoeuropaitchen 
Sprechcn’, Crumnttlu t 9 **rawt>ir»tcAt/r.Wfeft Stknfun. Frankfurt u. Erlangen, ir, 1B61, 
461-JJ9; Herr Prof. SchUkSo in J.n. ... d. Urrarvraodt. d. awn. u. mdocur. Spiachm'. 
Frankfurt, .8**, ’ErOrterung Ohe, d. Urwrvracdu. d. sem. u. mdoeur. Spracbea', Z-luhnft 
far J. OywmatUhmm, xa. (01 . 1 ; Fmtmumm 4 . Frankfurt. 1867; Z™" 

Fo’UrtiuHg. Frankfurt. 1868; Drift. JViarumg. Frankfurt. 1871. 

For other work. on thh eubjert before Debase*.. cL Driaxtch t Studirx. note* lo 
pp. i-ao. 

The following . • chronological U*t of the chief work, oa the n.t*« from Delitxed. to the 
Friedrich Delitmeh. StxdUm aSer •raufurA* WurtOrwandtukaft. 

187J. R. v. Reumar. Vitru Fertrnrmf. Frankfort, 1873; SmditArabm a 1 Hrrm 
P”tf- Whitn.y after d. Ur%*rt*indit . . .. Frankfurt, il* A. Uppenkemp, Hrifdg. umitiuh- 

A. Trombetti, Indtg^mamuh* 

r^Tof* * W Kii f SaS « 

1906. a’. E. Drake. Duretiwv. ra Hrbrnj. Cariic. GctkU. Avh-Saxo*. U:in, Buy., and oihtr 
Cuuiuuc Lantuaf.i, Denver end London. 1907 ((umorntiSc but suggestive). H. Mailer, 

Umvmitrt i ArdnbrWfaf U rd u r nt r u Aanfat. Oct.. 1903). A. E. Dii- 

H^Ton***?* Tn- Sm " l ‘ C ' >r * rt: °"' Lno^o. 1 9 1 3 (uMtirntific but tuggrttive). 

1 Some retemblancee between Old Irish end Senrtic or: (1) Omnmoa’of copule m 3 sg. 
piraent in both Ir..h and Semitic, (a) No wtKle it uted with an Irish noun fobowed by 
a determirute genitive : in Semitic no noun followed by • genitive ran take the article. 0 ) U»e 
of lingular verb before plural subject in both Irish «nd Semitic. (4) Retrospective pronoun in 
relative dame* in both Irish and Semitic. (5) Ponuon of verb at beginning of sentence in both 
Irilh and tome Semitic language. (6) The uac of the ro form (regularly preterite) in Irish to 
denote derid.mtiv* Idea, may be compared to the Semitic use of the perfect in prophedet to 
denote the future. Cl Breckdmann, Grwdrur d. v*tgL Qrmmmadk d urmU ichrr. Sprac hen. 
Bd.ii Berhr , 19:3 : and Thimejsen. .'fosdj-acAd. Alfaixhtn.] Grwnmetik, Heidelberg, 1909. 

The Relation between Indo-European and Semitic 


parisons. 1 They must be relegated to the sphere of secondary evidence as 
with syntactic correspondences. It seems evident then, that if a relationship 
is to be proved it will have to be done in the closely related spheres of vocabu- 
lary and phonology. 

Theoretically, the logical procedure in attempting a comparison between 
the vocabularies of these two speech-groups, would be first to establish, so far 
as possible, the form and characteristics of the parent Semitic and the parent 
Indo-European speech and then compare them. In practice, however, com- 
parison is first made between apparently connected words or expressions in 
any two languages, one in each group, and then the matter is further in- 
vestigated in order to determine whether the suggested comparison conforms 
to all that we know about the parent languages of the two groups; and an 
attempt is made, finally, on the basis of the suggested comparisons to set up 
the phonetic laws or phonetic equivalences which govern titer relationship 
between the two groups. 

At the outset of any comparison of the two linguistic groups we are struck 
by the difference in the character of the so-called roots of the two families, 
a root being that part of a series of related words which remains unchanged or 
practically unchanged throughout the processes of derivation and inflexion. 
The roots of Indo-European are mostly monosyllabic, containing one vowel 
and a varying number of consonants, from one consonant as in dhl, dka 'put' 
to three or more aa in kart ‘cut’, though the majority have one or two con- 
sonants. The roots of the Semitic languages, on account of the great variation 
of vocalism caused by interns! vowel change, are exclusively consonantal, and 
in the great majority of cases contain three consonants. 1 There are a large 
number of cases in Semitic, however, in which the root contains only two 
consonants and the forms of the words made from these roots are conformed 
to the tri consonantal norm by the lengthening of some vowel or by the doubling 
of a consonant. 1 If the two group are to be extensively compared it is evident 
that we shall have to practically ignore the vowels, and show cither that many 
Indo-European roots have lost an original consonant, or on the other hand 
that many Semitic roots have added secondary consonants. 

In spite of the apparent incommensurability of Indo-European and Semitic 
roots, there are a small number of cases in which the correspondence between 
Indo-European and Semitic words is striking. In Semitic a word meaning 
'hull, steer, cow' appears in Arabic as tkcunf, in Syriac as Una a, in Hebrew 
as tor, in Ethiopic as i or, in Assyrian as him. In Indo-European we have 
Greek raCpos, Latin fauna, Slavic tun and with prefix r, Avestan stavro, 
Middle Persian star, Goth.rfmr,OIIG. stior, AS. iltor. In Semitic the common 

■ Cf. Mailer, WStUrbmh, Voewort. pp. riu-jv. 

• For a diseuuior. of rax* in the two speech- fenOic*. cf Wundt. VSUurpsyMagie, Bd. i. 
Die Sprache Tb. t, Stuttgart, 19a!, pp. 5^4-605. especially 60S f. ; Brcckelnunn. Grundritt d. 
rergl. Gran, d tom tin ken Spr.. R1 i. Berlin. ipoS. pp *$5-7 ; W. D. Whitney, Language and 
the Study of Language. New Ycr*. 1884. p- ass S. ; GcMnivn-Kaumch, Hebrdiukr Gram 
« 30 . 3 *- 

' Cf. my article oa ‘Congeneric Anmilcnn as a Cause of the Development of New Root* 
in Semitic’ in Studia m Honor of Maaiet Bhae&t'J. New Haven. I CIO. pp. 36-9. 

44 Frank R. Blake 

word for the horn of the above animals is represented by Assyrian qarnu. 
In Indo-European we have Latin cornu. Goth, haum, OHG. horn, Sans. 
(T Uga. The common Semitic word for 'wine' is represented by Arabic uairtu’ , 
Ethiopic ydn, Hebrew iaiin, Assyr. inu. In Indo-European we have Greek 
ofvoj, Latin vimtm, Armenian gtni . 1 

These correspondences may be explained only in one of the three following 

i. They are accidental and therefore meaningless. 

a. They arc due to borrowing. 

3. They are due to original identity of the two speech-families. 

If the correspondences are accidental it is rather remarkable that they should 
occur in the case of words describing things of vital interest to primitive 
pastoral and agricultural man. The extensive character of the correspondences 
seems to preclude the possibility of explaining the forms in either group as 
loan-words from the other, unless the borrowing took place from parent 
Semitic to parent Indo-European or vice versa, or was made by both parent 
speeches from some other language. These few correspondences then, taken 
alone without any reference to other apparent points of contact between the 
two speech families, would seem most naturally to point in the direction of 
n real relationship between them. 

If we examine the nouns denoting family relations, the numerals, and the 
pronouns in the two speech families, we shall find that the presumption in 
favour of a real relationship already established, while it is by no means raised 
to the poaition of proof, is strengthened to ■ not inconsiderable degree. 1 

The Semitic words for ‘father’ and ‘mother’ Assyrian abu, ummu, may be 
connected with the root syllables pc and ma of the Indo-European words, 
though the possibility and even probability of accidental resemblance between 
words of this kind belonging to entirely unrelated languages has long been 

In the field of the numerals the moat striking correspondence is in the 
numeral ’seven’. This presents forms in Indo-European, Semitic, and also in 
Egyptian, all of which contain, at the beginning, a sibilant followed by a labial, 
but with a different additional element in each group, a complex tm in Indo- 
European, e.g., Latin itptem, a laryngeal spirant in Semitic, e.g., Hebr. ieba ' , 
and in Egyptian a velar spirant, tafh. The first two consonants of the numerals 
for ’three’ Arabic tkaldthif, Lot. trei, are also not incompatible. 

In the realm of the pronouns the possible correspondences are quite 
numerous. The two most striking are that between the demonstrative stem 
Arabic Bd, Syriac dt, Hebrew sth, and the Indo-European to. Sans, tat, Eng. 
that, German das, & c., and that between f, th which is the characteristic mark 
of the pronoun of the second person in Indo-European, e.g. Sans, tram ‘thou’, 
tha ending of second person singular of Sans, perfect and the t of Semitic 

' Cf. A. Wild., Uutmuhn ttymoUg. WtrUrPmA. a Aid., Hfsd.lbant, 1910, PP- 7*4 f . 
» 9 J, 839. 

* For the various cctnparisons that folIo»-,cf- die indexes tc Mailer's Sm u. Iftdog. (pp. 373- 
9 *) and WSrttrbuch (pp. 275-3:6). 

The Relation between Indo-European and Semitic 45 

pronouns like Arabic an-ta, an-ti *thou’ and qaud-la , qalal- li 1 thou hast killed’, 
ta-qtulu ‘thou wilt kill’, &c. 

The possibility of real relationship between Indo-European and Semitic is 
further strengthened by a number of additional complete or partial corre- 
spondences between the consonantal skeleton of Indo-European and Semitic 

Compare Sans, gatbha Hebr. qrreb ‘inside’ 

Lat .fUc-to Hebr. berth ‘knee’ 

Lat. fulg-to Hebr. barcq ‘lightning’ 

Lat. alb-us Hebr. laban ‘white’ 

Lat. p ten- us Hebr. male ‘be full’ 

San. rasajut ‘tongue’ Hebr. talon ‘tongue* 

Goth. AA/a ‘steal’ Hebr. ganab steal’ 

Germ, teat 'possessor, host’ Arab, yaritha Hebr. pit ai ‘inherit’ 
Lat. vir-idis Sent yr-k Hebr. iaraq 'green vegetables' 

Lat. nr-«r Sem. yr-' Hebr. pat ‘fear’ 

Lat. wr».« Setn. | ai Hebr. ptrad ‘descend’ 

Germ, tear -fen Sem. yr-j Hebr. jara ‘throw’ 

Lat. nut are Hebr. tdd ‘wander’ 
mi -ere Hebr. mi* 'wvtr' 

Germ, heist Hebr. qa*f ‘summer’ 

Lat. axes Hebr. ‘op ‘bird’ 

I.E. stha- 'stand' I lebr. ill ‘put' 

Germ, ritchen ‘ameH’ Hebr. rfift ‘wind, to smell’ 

Lat. opus Sem. 'abad ‘do, make, work, sen e' 

Eng. over Hebr. 'abat 'to ocas over' 

Lat. ad Hebr. Wup to. unuT 

Lat. Greek tn ‘behold* Hebr. Audio Arab, ’rwo 

Such random comparisona, even provided they stand the teat of our accu- 
mulated knowledge of Indo-European and Semitic phonology and morpho- 
logy, do nothing more than increase the degree of probability which may be 
ascribed to the relationship under investigation, and can in no case reach the 
stage of proof. In order to plsce the relationship beyond question, the 
phonetic laws governing this relationship roust first be established and proved 
in each case by a satisfactory amount of material. This has been recognized 
by all important investigators of the question, though the most elaborate 
attempt to establish such laws is that made by Hermann MOllcr of the 
University of Copenhagen. 

He assumes for the presumed linguistic parent of both Indo-European and 
Semitic four series of stop sounds, viz., surd and sonant fortes, and surd and 
sonant lenes. The sonant stops fortes and lenes appear as the so-called 
emphatic sounds in Semitic; in Indo-European the surd fortes appear as 
stops or aspirates, the sonant fortes as aspirates, the surd lenes as surd stops, 
the sonant lenes as sonant stops. Thus original surd fortis t appears as t in 

mir-plo. ef. iffermrti dted in r.. *, p. 44. 

' Foe additnool 

46 Frank R. Blake 

both Indo-European and Semitic in the I of second person pronoun ; surd 
lenis b appeare in the word for ‘seven’ as b in Semitic, asp in Indo-European 
(Arab, lab'u', Lat. septan) ; sonant lenis g appears as g in Indo-European, as q 
(emphatic k) in Semitic, c.g. Sans, gerbha ‘womb’, Hebr. qereb 'inside’. 1 

He also assumes three series of palato-velar stops, c.g., represented by 
a Semitic sibilant, k i g l represented by Semitic k, g, and Aj£ b . represented 
usually by guttural or laryngeal spirants. An original root A, r / appears in 
O.N. as hraeda ‘fear’, Arab, farada 'took fright’, ‘fled’, an original pronominal 
root *2 appears as a la bio-velar in Indo-European, Sans, ca, Lat. que, Greek 
r«, in Semitic as a A, Arabic ka, Hebrew he ‘like, as’; a root A*r ‘bum’ appears 
in Lithuanian Ai/r-fi'heat’.O.N.AyrT ‘fire’.in Semitic as Arabic hana ’be hot’. 2 

Mailer is influenced in this view of the palato- velars portly by Jus assumption 
that the Abyssinian sounds with parasitic u. c.g. b.gv, kv, IV. have a different 
origin from the simple h.g.f^q, sounds, which assumption has not been proved, 
and is probably incorrect. It seems not unlikely that thrae labialized velars 
are borrowed from some of the surrounding African languages where they are 
common. 1 

The Semitic laryngeals ’, A. *, which are not represented in Indo-European, 
he assumes have been lost ss in Assyrian, but that, as there, they have modified 
the neighbouring vowel, A and at times * changing r to a,' changing e to 0. 
Arabic hanaja 'bend' is thus compared with Sanskrit ahkat ‘bend’, Ilchrew 
'am ‘people’ with Latin om-nu ’all’. Where these consonants originally closed 
a syllable in Indo-European, the preceding vowel is said to take compensatory 
lengthening. 4 

An independent evidence of the former existence of some kind of an A 
sound in Indo-European, different from the ordinary A, is furnished by the 
occurrence of a sound written A in Hxttito which has no equivalent in the other 
Indo-European language*. Unfortunately the cases of its occurrence do not 
lead to any certain Semite- Aryan etymology.* 

It must be said that the material given by MftUcr in support of the phonetic 
equivalences that he assumes is neither full enough nor convincing enough 
to warrant us in accepting his laws as proved, but bis comparisons are certainly 
interesting and suggestive and worthy of the attention of both Indo-European- 
ists and Semitists. 

The question of the relationship between Indo-European and Semitic may 
be said to stand at present about as follows. A presumption in favour of this 
relationship has been created by a small group of complete correspondences, 
and a larger group of partial or less certain correspondences, but the phonetic 
laws that govern this relationship cannot be said to have been worked out 

' Cf Metier. St * t. u. Index., p I *cd pp. 30-20 ipauim. 

* Cf. Molls, op. dt. p. 1 ; cf. for *, k, ** pp. e- f . 6 5 f„ „ f., for other veil. Hope 
beatmuna of sections devoted to them 

* Cf. Grimm*. Theorie in ursenritachen Ubialiuertcn Guttural*,' ZaUctu d. drutsek. 
morgen/aitditektn C.tstUttK It (1901). pp. «0?-S6; Bro cfa L n i n n, Grundrin. i. ss* 

* Cf. Mdller, op. cit, p. 254 ft No dear cam of vowel chan*; or kartke&ies aie cited. 

‘ ,For Hittite k cf. E. 1 L Sturtevant, 'Original It at Hi tri t e and the Medio-Pauive in r* 

btrvvat*. iv. 3 159-70. 

The Relation bettreen Indo-European and Semitic 47 
satisfactorily, and until that is done, and until we have a considerable body of 
correspondences which resist all attacks upon their validity, and may, there- 
fore, be regarded as firmly established, we cannot say that the kinship of the 
two speech-families has been proved. 

On the other hand, the methods employed by Moller, and others, in 
attempting to isolate the more original roots from which the Semitic trilitcral 
roots and the longer Indo-European root* were expanded, are the methods 
which must be employed if any propress in such a comparison is to be made. 
Moreover, we must bear in mind that we have no right to expect to find a 
greater degree of resemblance between the two speech-families than that in- 
dicated by the work of Moller. In the long period which must have elapsed 
since any possible joint life of the original Indo-European and Semitic peoples, 
time enough has passed to have brought about any conceivable amount of 
difference Iwtween the two linguistic groups. If the resemblances were more 
evident and more striking, they would have been noticed long ago, and we 
should be talking now of one speech-family instead of two. 

The normal attitude of the average student of language towards those who 
assert the possible relationship between ar.y two of the speech-families into 
which the languages of the world hare beer, grouped, is one either of absolute 
incredulity or of tolerant contempt. Such was the attitude of many towards 
the efforts of the late Egyptologist, Professor Aaron Ember, to establish the 
kinship between Egyptian and the Semitic languages. 1 Such I must confess 
was my own attitude in the matter of the relationship between Indo-European 
and Semitic until, following a chance remark of Professor S outer ant at the 
Linguistic Institute (sumiiter 192S) I came to devote tome attention to the 

On all auch questions every serious student of language should maintain an 
open mind, and though he should be unceasingly and unstimingly critical of 
tho methods employed, and withhold the stamp of his unqualified approval 
until the proof submitted with regard to such linguistic relationships is 
beyond cavil, he should never scoff at their possibility. If we have confidence 
in our science we should believe it capable of ultimately establishing a relation- 
ship where one exists, no matter how disguised, or of showing, on the other 
hand, that there is no possibility of proving a connexion. It i* unfortunate for 
linguistic science that so many of its exponents devote their attention ex- 
clusively to one language or to a few closely related languages of one group. 

Ember’. chief art ides on the nhtioo between Ecyptisn and Semitic are: 
(«) 'Semito-Egypt-n Sound O Zntoc* , d<*. *P«*. PT- ■?-«*:« K,n T 
died SemitD-Ecrptan Words’. A. Z.. alia. : 9 «i. PP- *J- 4 t O) Noti on the Relaoon of 
Egyptian and Semitic’, A. Z.. 1. 1«I8. PP 86-90; («) Mehn parallels to Ecypt-n «aru «.th 
prefixed A\ A. Z-, ti, ,9,4. p. «j8f; (j) ‘ Kindred g tl Words (New Senes) , 

A -n* Ember's wo* on this subject ™ prevented by hi. untimely 

and tri«rc d«th «. the result of injuries receded in the burning of Us reridenc*. 3 . Msy 1926 
<cL Joum. Amir. Orurt. See.. Jvi. .82-4)- A portion erf a work ot. Semno-Eg.pUan relation,, 
which Professor Ember was prepare foe the press at the tune of hu death mf ham 

ado the spawn of Professor Kurt Sorfw otGtamKm. and 

the fire. This 
will socn be published. 


Frank R. Blake 

more complete knowledge of all the languages in any two groups to 
compared, combined with the knowledge of as many linguistic types 
possible belonging to other groups, may be said to be essential if problems 
general comparative linguistics, similar to the one here treated, are ever to 
solved in a manner which shall disarm suspicion and force conviction. 


Johns Hopkins University, Baltmcre. 

JT 8,6 IT 


A RDA Viraf est appeU i contemplci lc* tourments des 3 nus dont les p&hfa 
-et les bonnes oeuvres s 'equivalent si justement qu’il est impossible de les 
r&ompenser ou de les punir; elle* riven: dans une sorte de purgatoire oil 
elles ne connaissent pas d’autre chitiment que les variations de la temperature, 
qui les conduisent du froid au chaud, suivant des altemaiires constantes. en 
punition de leur tridcur morale, qui les a cmpdches de montrer U chalcur, ou, 
au contraire, la frigidity de lcurs sentiments; ce concept ddicat n'entre point 
dans la preoccupation s&nitique ; on le retrouve au contraire dins le Chris- 
tianisrne, dans 1 ’Apocalypae, aux vends 14-16 du troiiiime chapitre, 06 ‘Cclui 
qui poss&le lea sept esprits de Dieu’, die k l’Apdtre d’teire k 1 ’angr de l'dglise 
de Laodicde : ' Je connais tes cruvres ; plOt k Dieu que tu fusses froid ou chiud I 
Mais, parce que tu es tiedc, et que tu o’es ni froid ni chaud, je :e vomirai de 
ma bouche’; ce qui manifest ement a inspire Dante, quand il troisitme 
chapitre de l'Enfer, du vestibule de la Gehenne, oil se trouvent rel^gudes les 
triatea tones de ccut qui vicurcnt sans mdriter la louangc ni le mipris, 
melanges aux anges indignes qui ne furcr-t m re be Ilea, ni soumis it 1’htre 
supreme; encore, leur froideur est -elle plus cxucUcmcnt punic dans la Divine 
Com/Jie que dans le livre d'Arda Viraf, puisqu'ellea sont perpdtudlcmcnt 
dtvorcea des mom urea de mouchca et de guftpea. Mais il ne faut point oublier 
que 1' Apocalypse eat du terapa dc Niroo, que la composition du rdcit des 
aventures d'Arda Viraf cat infiniment plus tardive, qu'Anla Viraf vdcut k 
une date postdricurc a la raoct du calibre dastour Adarbid Mahraspand, 
lequel, corn me on le sait, fleurit k 1’^poque de la souverainetd du roi saasanidc 
Shlhpdhr II, fils d’Adhrmixd (309-79), « qu'affirmc le Dinkart (West, 
Arda Vtraf, Intr. bexii); il eat vraacmblable que ce saint personnage vteut 
tout k la fin dc la dynastic sassanide. vers le milieu du vi’sitclc ; il eat dit, dans 
I 'introduction de l'Arda Viraf. qu'il portait le lumom de Nikhshahpoflhr u ft 
man NtktuhahpCJir tham yanallind (p, 7), de la forme ancienne du nom dc la 
ville de NishSpour au Khorasan.laqnelle fut fondfc par Shapour I*', fils 

d’Ardashir I*, au nr siide, suivant ce que nous apprend Hamza d' Isfahan, 
dans sa chroniquc arabe (p. 48), sous le nom, manifestement, de Ntvak Sh 4 h- 
pOhr ' la belle (ville) dc Shapour', ce qui est reguliriement devenu Nikh&hflh- 
puhr, en moycn-pcrsan; en mfene tempo que cette ville calibre, Shapour I" 
fonda la citi que Hamza (ibid.) nomme Bishapodr , laquellc 6tait en pchlvi Vih 
Shihpuhr ' la bonne ville de Shapour’. 'NikhshahpoOhr = NuhapoQr’, suivant 
toutes les vraiscmblances, est un personnage qui commcnta L'Aveata, dont 
Ic nom se trouve cit6 dans la traduction pehlvic du Vendidad (fargards v et 
viii), ainsi que dans le Nfrangistin; fl fut un des grands thtelogiens du 
rigne de Khosrau Anoushirwan (531-579). e * l an dcs conseillers dc ce 
monarque, comxne nous l’apprcnd 1 c Dadistin (West, Pahlaci texts i, p. xlvi; 
ii, p. xxviii). Quant 1 la redaction du livre d'Arda Viraf sous sa forme actucllc, 

£0 £. Blochet 

il est certain que, comme celle de tous les ouvrages pehlvis que nous connais- 
sons,m«me la traduction de 1’AveaU.puisqu'on y trouve citfe des pcreonnages 
qui ont v&u vers 570, elle se place k one epoque postcrieure i la chute de 
la dynastie saisaniie, au ix* siiclc, au X e , ou mane plus tard, puisque le 
Bahman Yasht eft poetirieur aux Crobades. U n’est pas possible de ricn 
preciser sur ce fait, qui est Evident, si l’on considere que U langue dans InqucUe 
ib sont nSdig^s n'a rien k voir avec cede qu’teivirent It* Rassanides, et qu’clle 
n’est autre chose que du persan moderne d*guis< sous des formes archabantcs. 
L'aventute merveilleuse d'Arda Viraf Nbhapour n’a rien qui surprenne 
quand l’on se souvient que le* auteurs de la glose pehlvie de l'Avesta sont 
donnfc comme les disciples de Maidhytalh. du personnage que les textes 
zends nomment Maidhyii-mionha. fib d’Araiti, cousin de Zoroastre 
et son premier disciple; encore faut-il entendre, ce qui est bien dans 
l’csprit iranien, des disciple* par tradition otale. ou mane ecritc, et non des 
dives immddbu, puisque des personnage* qui ont vecu sous le rfcgne des 
Saasanides ne peuvent mani/estement avoir entendu le* le^ns d’un saint qui h I 'epoque du roi Goushtasp; e’est ainsi, entre autres exemple*, qu'i 
b fin du XV siicle, a IMrat, Djami sc diaait l'dive respecturux de Mohyi 
ad-Din Ibn al-'Arabi, lequcl etait mort bicn avant sa naissancc, et que, par- 
tant, il n'avait jamab autrement connu que par la lecture de sea traitis de 
Myitidame; e’eat en ce sens que k* doctetirs du Mazdiismc sont souvent 
qualifies de dUciple 'skdgwd', e’est-k-dire de dbcipln. du prophete Zoroastre ; 
cctte tradition, d'ailleun, n’ett pas andenne, comme ceb rdulte des tames 
d'Aspandyardji (vii. 37). En ce tens, ib se consideraieat certaincmcnt comme 
supdicura aux dastours ct aux mobeds. lesqueb, k leura yeux, itaient de 
simple* officiant*, chargd* de richer liturgiquemcnt les textes sacris, de 
l'interpritation desqueU ib n’avaient pas k sc milcr. parce qu’elle dipassait 
ce qu'on itait ligitimement en droit d’attendred’eux ; ce n’est pas que quclque- 
fois le* dastours et le* mobeds ne resolvent cctte qualification de 'disciples du 
Prophite', soil qu'il y faille voir une simple formule de couttoisie, wit que 
ces officiants, comme saint Augustin ct taint Jean Chryratome, en mime 
temps qu’ib cikbraient le sacrifice rituel, employasscnt leurs vcilles k dudicr 
le sens des textes qu'ib rtotaient devant lc* fidiles ; U distinction est asscz 
subtile, elle n’a pas echappd toutefob a l’cxcellent cxigtte du Mazdtismc 
qu’est Aspandyardji (viii. 18). 

C’est un fait certain que let anges qui paraissent dans la Bible, postcricure- 
ment k IVpoque ou Us Juifs furent cmmcncs en captiviti a Babylone, 
different essentiellement de ccux dont parient les lines de l'Ancien Testa- 
ment aux dates plus reculces ; lc concept de l' llntennidiaire sumaturel 
entre lTiomme et le Createur, change brusquonent au corn* de cette periode 
en bquelle Cyrus le Grand, roi de Perse, rtnvoya Israel a Jerusalem et confia 
a Zorobabel le soin de reMtir k Temple de Jehovah. Par suite d’une coinci- 
dence extraordinaire, mab toute fortuite, l'ange, dans l’Ancien Testament, est 
nomme maV&kh ‘messager’, exactemcnt comme en perse *fra-atc>-ta-ka 
ou •fra-ash-ta-ka, en pehlvi firisMtak, en persan moderne frrishta ; mab ce 

Quelques notes a propos de T At da Viraf r.ama 5 1 

concept de l'ange messager du Seigneur, d£ja a une epoquc anterieure a celle 
de la Captivity est raanifestement une evolution dc l'idce primitive que les 
Juifs se faisaient de ces esprits divins, puuqu'ils les nommsient les fils des 
dieux D'miw ’13, et *33, les ccnaiderant conunc des itres douce de 
l’apparencc humaine, d’une beaute ecktintc, iramatcriels, impond&ables, 
quoiqu’ils pusse n t jouir des favours des fillcs des h o nur .es, tout conunc les 
divinit& de l’Olympe hclienique; mais ces anges qui viennent accomplir 
sur la terre les volontes du Seigneur, restent anonymes dans les livres anciens 
de la Bible, sans que leurs auteurs se soient inquietAs de priciser leurs 
attributs. l>e concept de l’ange, manifestement, change aprts le VI* siicle, et 
Daniel est le premier livre de l’Anocn Testament qui leur confire une 
individuality, une personnality exclusive, des titrea, des notns precis, au 
lieu de la qualification generate de ‘fils des dieux’; le Talmud de Baby lone 

e l rash Rabbah Gen. 48 ) ne fait aucune difficulty pour avouer que: 
0TK9 1^7 trsNtol rmxr *« ’les noma des anges moot^rem avec eux 
(les Juifs renvoyys dans leur patrie par Cyrus le Grand) de Babel’, sans qu’il 
y faille voir la recon n aissance de cc fait que l’ange des livres tardif* de 
I’Ancien Testament soit ne sous l’influence babylonienne . 1 L’angc des 
Chaldycns est csaentiellement different de celui des Juifs, tel I’esprit qui 
apparait It Tobie pour le guider dans son chernin ; il est une entity terrible 
et vengeresae, devant laquelle les homines doivent trembler comme devant 
le dieu d’ Israel, et l’ange juif postyrieur i la Captivite imite bicn plus les 
idiosyncrasies de ceux du Maadfasme. Les pnndpaux esprits divins qui 
paraissent dans la Bible et dans le Talmud possident des attributs qui sont 
trys voiains de ceux des Amshaspanda, si bicn qu’on a pu reconnaltrc le proto- 
type de I’ange Mika*! dans Vohu-tnanA, celui de Gabriel, qui guide Mahomet 
& trovers les spheres du monde intangible, dans le taint Sraosha, qui conduit 
Ards Viraf au paradis ct dans l’enfrr; celui d’Otiriel *ma lumiferc est Dieu* 
dans Hvarend Tyclatant’; mass ces assimilations entre les anges dc la hasac 
judafeity avec les izeds des Mazdyrns ne sauraient se pours uivrc bicn loin; 
Isra«l a plutflt emprunty k la Pcne le concept de l’ange iranicn qu’il ne lui 
a emprunte une t#rif d’anges dyterminys; Kohut a’cst ytrangement 6gar4 
loraqu’il a voulu pousser k 1 ’extreme, k 1 ’allemande, son Bystime cn une 

tea tnfuenret, que le. Juifs an- 
mfer; ce not point id le lieu 
)uir. sntfrieut » U CsptWtd, du 
d’usa miserable, sprts 
Ifmtme esprit quo 
Homfr*. qua ce eon- 
du Talmud (Midruth 
toot sortuse*; que ie concept du 
d'rmi la CsptivM; bref, at. 
• ceux du Talmud; par 
du pundit at de 1‘enfrr 
j (lives, qui rivrient au moron O^e, 
xn qj‘3 ait jamait coami 1 'taonne 
de I'usbc I'aunut bicn 
cVrcher ton inspiration 

Sbdol. oil lea moitt. no 

leur tr<p4t. aans connaltr* de rtaxnperue ou de 
la numde soutemun dot Sumdrien* os U UiW 
ccpt CJt abaolumcn: irrdductibU I calui da Per 
do Prorerbo. chapitre vii ; Ysftut, ibid, 939). ou las 
pandit tat en contradiction abtohie avec laa kUo et lee 
resume, que 1’anfa. et le parsdri d'Arda Vfcsf snot lea 
rintermddiaire du Judsivne. du pandit et de la 
de PAIghien. par 1‘inumrfdiair* et le canal do 
dans l'asprit das rsbbit itaHent, que menut Dsn*, 
volume de* Foutoufcat Mikkiys d’lba si-' Aral*, que 
empfchd de lire; a t on l'idta d\ia po*«, 

& coup, de lexique dsns un ocdan tel 


E. Blochet 

formule ‘exhaustive’ dans son Vber die judiuhe Angelologie urJ Daemonologie ; 
Tange Mitatroun du Talmud n’est point Mkhra; il cst possible, comme je 
l’ai dit autre port, que le nom du grand am&haspand Mithra ait contamini 
Mitatroun, mais il n’en est pas rooins certain que Mitatroun piaots n’est 
autre chose qu'une transcription du grec firra 9 p 6 mv ‘qui est auprte du tr6ne 
de Dieu’; quant a Sandalfon ro^:r, que Kchut a hi aascz habile pour ex- 
pliquer par dea mots iranicns inexistanti, il y faux tout siroplement voir le 
grec ‘fraterr.el’. Quant au nom d ‘Ash modal *fncrK, d’AsmodAe, 

il n’y a aucun doute qu’il ne transcrive fort exact ement une forme inmienne 
trts ancienne, presque au cieme stade linguistique que le zcnd Afshmo- 
dacva 'le d6mon de la colire’; ww« AgrAminfi*, dans la Kabbale, le chef 
des Satans, n’est nullement, comme Schwab I'a propose dans son Vo c a bubar t 
de 1 ‘ Angelologie, Agro-.Wuwc ‘m^chant dominateur’ (tie ?), mais bien unc forme 
iranienne ^galemcnt d'une haute antiquity, puisqu'elle est en fait identique 
au nom du malin eaprit dans l’Avesta, AfirA-mainyush, tout coinme DJWJ-tatt, 
qui repr&ente le quatriemc jour dc la se m ain e , et qu’il faut ixninddiatement 
corrigcr en ororwt Anm-mainus, bien loin de l'expliquer, comme l'a fait 
Schwab, pur une forme h&drodite Ahri-tdpor ’puisaante vie’ ( tic ?). Ces deux 
noms transcrivent, dan* dcs sens difftrenta, celui d’Ahriman, sous aa forme 
zende; mais e’eat la forme pehivic et parsie du nom du mauvais eaprit, 
Alu i nun, qui figure dan* le Talmud, dans la graphic |w« Ahurmin. C’est 
incontestablement au M.u deism* qu* I'lslam a emprunte let attributa dc 
l’archange Michel, dont le rAk easerticl eat de peacr lea destine*-* dea homines ; 
Arda Viraf, dans le pamlis, cooterople l’aed Rashn le juste, le Raahn-i rist 
dea textea paraia, que le Sanskrit traduit Kashna satyidhipati, le Raahnu 
rarista de I'Avcata, tenant dans sea mains la balance d’or jaune avec laquellc 
il p&c lea bens et lea juste* (v. 5), et ces mimes attribute lui aont aaaignia 
par le MinAkhirad (ii. ti8, 119, 163); e'eat sous lrs cspiccs d’un eaprit 
ail£ tenant la balance d'or a la main que l’archange Micltel e»t figuri dans un 
manuscrit penun du traiti dea Merveille* du monde de Kaxwitli, dc la fin du 
xiv* si&cle; le Koran park seulcment de la balance cr Ut par Allah pour 
juger lea Homme*. Ce concept sc retroure dans le bouddhisme, comtnc 
l’enseigne k livre dc* Troia-trrrca, k Tray-phum, lequel prodame (Feer, 
'fitudes Cambodgiennca', dans le Journal ArUxlique de 1877, i. 206) que ai un 
homme a fait le bien, mais aussi co minis da fauta. h sa mort, un ange le fait 
conduire a la balance ou sc p&sen: ka pechcs et la cruvra pics ; si les bonnes 
actions font pcnchcr la balance, on 1'csrok inun&iiatement au aijour de 
la ttliciti, si ce sont sa fauta, il part pour la tourments dc l’enfer jusqu’A 
ce qu'il y ait expii sa crimes. 

Ce n’est manifestement pas au Christian isme que la Musu lman s ont 
emprunti kur archange Mi kail, car la theologie chrcticnnc considire saint 
Michel comme le chef de la mi lice cAkste, k commandant da arm ces da 
anges qui ont lutti cootie ka aprits rebella, qui a vaincu Satan, et qui l’a 
pr&ipiti du haut du Ciel, 'et factum at proelium in coelo, Michael et angeli 
ejus prdfcliabantur cum dracone’, dit 1 ’Apocalypse. Le rflle qui lui at concede 
de conduire au paradis la Ama des justa n’a qu’une lcnntaiue analogic avee 

Quelques notes a propcs de F Arda Viraf nama 53 

cclui dc l’esprit divin qui est l’origine dc l’archange Mikali dans l’eschato- 
log-.c dc l’lsLur.. 11 n’eat point impossible, d’ailleurs, dc signaler quelques 
autres points dc contact entre l’lranisme et I'HindouIsmc, qui etaient 
infiniment voisins dans 1’Iran oriental, ou mieux, dont Its domaines se super- 
posaient dans ces provinces aryennes, dont le Vend! did maudit l’csprit 
d’infid£lit£, I’Mrcsie ct la sorcellerie; la treizieme er.igmc que le sorrier Akht 
pose 1 Y6sht-i Fryln, dans le ennte de Ydsht-i Fry In (ed. West, ii), consiste 
1 lui faire deviner ce que sont, un, deux, trois, quatre, dnq, six, sept, huit, 
neuf, dix. et le touranien Yosht, descendant de Fryina, qui menu par ses 
vertus, comme le dit I’Avcsu, d’itre ad m ia au n ombre des roia immortcla, lui 
ripondit en des termes qui rappcllcnt ceux dans lcsquds s'exprime le Bhiga- 
vaupourana, x. a, 27, k un titant k Sokil.lesdeux, l’inspiration ct l'exhalaiaon 
de I’air dans lea poumons, lea trois, les bonnes pensdes, ks bonnes paroles, les 
bonnes actions, . . les neuf, les neuf ouvertures qui sc trouvent dsns le corps 
de rhotnme, ks neuf portes, comme k dit k Sanskrit. Et ks termes dans 
lesquel* le HJdhdkht Nask (ed. West, ii) s’exprime sur k sort de l’lme 
vertueuse apris la mort rappelknt d’une maniric frappante lTiistoire boud- 
dhique de Rdvati, telle qu'elk a contec par Minayeff, dans l’lntroduction 1 aa 
grammaiie pdlie (pages 19 et ao). Ces similitudes de 1’Iranisme et de l'Hin- 
doulsme sont assez frappsntes; il est douteux qu’il y faille voir le rdsultat d'un 
simple hasard, comme dans k portrait que Dante, 4 la fin du troisi&mc chant 
de I'Enfcr, par deux fois, trace du nocker infernal, quand il park du demon 
Caron, aux yeux de braise, des eercks dc flammea qui entourent Icurs orbites : 

A1 nocchier della livida polude, 

che 'ntomo agti ocdii avea di (umrae mote. 

Caron dimonk) con occbi di bragia. 

dmt unc nunitrc qui tr&hit mnifcstcnmt Ic souvenir des Aanuncs ctincc- 
lantes des yeux des rakabasas, des diables, de l'art bouddhique (voir en par- 
ti culier Its Ptmiurts dts manutcrits oruniaux dr la Bibbothtque national t, 1914- 
1920, pages 2c6, 237), qui sont une caract&istique easentielk dc la mankre 
hindouc, laquelk a p*ss4. comme je l’ai montrrf 4 plusicurs reprises, dans la 
technique ancienne de 1' Islam, car les yeux dc torn ks animaux qui paraissent 
dans les illustrations des Kalila et Dunns sont figures sous les cspices d'un 
cercle d’or ; e’est, comme on k sait, sous cette forme que Michel Ange a pcint 
Caron dans la fresque du Jugement dernier, et il est manifeste qu’il y faut 
voir le souvenir pr&is des vers de la Divine Comddif . 

Mais toutes les similitudes, toutes ks ressemblances que l’on peut remarquer 
entre le po4me de Dante et ks truvres de l’Occident et de 1‘Orient nc sont pas 
toutes, loin de 14, b preuve tangibk d’un emprunt, d'un plagbt ; sans doute, la 
fonnuk mfane de la Diane Comedie driive-t-elk direct ement dc cellc de 
l’Arda Viraf; Dante CJt accompagni dans ks eercks du monde metaphysique 

E x le cygne de Mantouc, cxactemcnt comme l'ange Srosh et l’izcd du feu, 
ar, guident les pas d'Arda Viraf dans ks regions dc b transcecdance ; 
Srosh et Atar, Virgile expliquent aux pikrins de l’infini k sens mystique 


E. Blochet 

dcs scenes tragiquea qui se deroulent devant leurs ye us; ce thdme se retrouve, 
sous une forme abdtardie, ainsi que dam tout ce que font les Musulmans, 
dans la Ugende de l’Apocalypse de Mahomet, oil le Prophdtc, monte sur la 
Borak, est conduit par Tange Gabriel; nuis je ne reviendrai pas ici sur ces 
similitudes qui sunt la preuve d’un emprunt direct du Classicismc a 
T Irani sme par dcs voice qui demeureront toujours obscures, ct qui ne sont 
certamement pas les al-Foutouhat al-Makkiyya, conunc unc critique mal 
avisde a voulu lc prdtendre. Certain cs de ces similitudes entre la ldgende 
iranienne ct celle dc TOccident relevent du folk-lore general de 1’Aryanisme; 
ellea dvoquent dcs concepts qui appartiennen: a un fonds commun de prd- 
occupations religieuses, plus ancien que l'epoque de la dispersion des tribus 
indo-europdennes, i une ties haute antiquitd, laquelle explique comment et 
pourquoi ces concepts se retrouvent tres rarement et dans des doinaines 
tellcmcnt eloignds que Ton a peine k y voir autre chose que Teffct d’un pur 
haaard : et j’en donnerai un seul exemple, celui qui se trouve au chapitrc 
xvi du livre d'Arda Viraf, ou Sroeh ct Atar lui montrent le Ueuve infernal 
formd des larmes dc ceux qui ont pleurd leurs parents ou leurs amis, quand ils 
ont quittc ce monde; il est inutile d’inswter sur ce point que ce fleuve n’a 
rien a voir avec ceux que T Alighieri rencontre dans le monde dc Tau-dcl4, 
lwqueU sont le souvenir bien net de* fleuves de Tenfer dans T Antiquitd 
classique; ce concept rdpond dvidenunent 4 cette idde que Dieu aait ce qu’il 
fait, et que pleurer avec exagdration ceux qu’il a rappdes k lui est unc injure 
k sa aouverainetd ; il est assez reroarquable qu r il sc retrouve cn Bcoase, oil la 
croyancc et le sentiment populaires vculcnt que dcs manifestations d’une 
doulcur excessive ausujet dc la perted’une persanne que Ton a chdrie.trmiblcnt 
lc repos du ddfur.t et Tinquidtent dam sa tombr; nuis j’ai ddjk signald, 
(Patrnfogia Oruntalu, t. xx, p. 13 ) que la £cossais, la Celta en gdndrtl, 
ont apportd avec eux en Occident da concepts et da coutumes qui sont 
nettement originaira de TOrient. 

Bibliothique Nationalr, Paris. 



T HE language and the literature of the early Persians and the ancient 
Indians suggest, through cognate structure, manners, customs, religious 
beliefs, and ritual observances, not only the common origin of the two peoples 
and their culture, but also a long period after their separation, during which 
intercourse continued to be in tim a t e. The geographical position of both 
Persia and the Panjab with reference to each other and to the region of the 
Hindu Kush supports the inference of practically uninterrupted communica- 
tions between the two countries from die earliest times; and the whole 
history of the north-west frontier of India is against the doctrine of an 
isolated Hindustan. 

The Veda contains numerous references to the Iranian borderland and to 
certain tribes in the highlands.! On the other hand, there are in early Persian 
literature et'idcnces of a knowledge of these same regions and of India. 

During Achacmenian times the borderlands of the Indus belonged to the 
west rather than to the cast. The Bias divided, so far as Persia was concerned, 
the known from the unknown, or, perhaps, the explored from the unexplored. 
From the time of Cyrus, Persia appears as the aggressor in making contacts 
with India; and the whole course of the ancient and medieval history of the 
latter ahows the recurring movement* from the west and north-west. Of 
the Brahmanic civilization to the mat there it no evidence that these rulers 
had any knowledge. It was through the meeting of Chandragupta with 
Alexander that intercourse between Persia and India waa really established ; 
and with the rise of the Maurya Empire these lands enter into intimate 

Cyrus the Great (55&-530) brought a major portion of eastern Iran, 
especially Bactria, under his sway. Dagiana, SatUgydia, and Gandharitis 
touched tlie Indian border. Persian tradition holds that Cyrua died of a 
wound inflicted in battle by an Indian. Xenophon says that Cyrus brought 
Indians under his rule and gives an account of an embassy from an Indian 
king to the great Persian. The references are undoubtedly to the high- 
lands of the Indian frontier. Mcgasthenes declares that, according to the 
Indiana, no one before Cyrua, except Dionysus and Hercules, invaded India. 
The Greeks, even if they are not agreed as to Cyrus actually having entered 
India, do not dispute his having campaigned in territories corresponding to 
Afghanistan and Baluchistan. At that time the Persians must have possessed 
substantial knowledge of north-west India. 

Darius I (522-486) brought India within the bounds of his Empire. Both 
in the Old Persian block tablets sunk in the wall of the capital at Persepolis 
(between 518 and 515), and in the upper of the two inscriptions chiselled 

* For ■ dwmssion of this whole subject *« Comkrnfrr His Sort of Tn&a, vol. «, where the 
sources we cited. For odwr ■ectno. of this paper see vofc. i and in of that history, nhicli 
contain smple references to source raster-.*!; to The Oxford History Sndxa. sod edition, by 
V. A. Smith; to A History rf Peraa. by Sykes; and to Thr Persian Gull, by Wilson. 

56 George W. Briggs 

around the tomb of Darius in the cliff at Xaskh-i-Rustam (after 515) mention 
is made of areas within the Panjab as part of his realm. Herodotus states that 
the Indian territories constituted the twentieth division of Darius’s empire. 
Smith says: ‘Arachosia (Kandahar), and Gandharia (Taxila and the north- 
western frontier) must have extended from the Salt Range to the sea, and 
probably included part of the Panjab to the east of the Indus.' This satrapy, 
'which was considered to be the richest and most populous province of the 
Persian empire*, paid tribute of at least a million sterling, constituting about 
one-third of the total bullion revenue of the Asiatic province*. Darius sent 
Skylax to explore the Indus, an undertaking that could not have been carried 
out in a totally unsubdued country. Alexan der’s experiences two centuries 
later prove that. Herodotus, as well as the Platform and Tomb inscriptions, 
mentions a number of provinces and people on the Indian border which were 
subject to Darius. 

Later Achaemenians continued to hold dominion in north-west India. 
Herodotus mentions Indian contingencies amongst the troops of Xerxes. 
Darius III summoned Indian troops when he prepared to nuke his final 
stand against Alexander. 

Early western knowledge of India, which testifies to Persian- Indian inter- 
course, is reflected in Greek literature from the sixth century. By the middle 
of the fifth century Herodotus waa able to offer considerable information 
about that distant land. Ctesias, while resident at the Persian court (415-397). 
picked up and trammitted information about the Indians. 

Alexander, when he entered upon his eastern campaigns, did not approach 
a new world, but one well known through the mcdiacy of Persia. So far as 
India was concerned, when Achaemenian dominion gave place to that of 
Alexander, the boundaries on the cast were extended hut little. At the most 
he did not exceed the limits of substantial geographical knowledge possessed 
by his predecessors. And. for the area of his conquests, he was already in 
possession of exceedingly accurate information. He, no doubt, heard of the 
great kingdom of Magadha far to the east. His brilliant campaigns served 
but to intensify and extend influences from the East and West already of 
considerable proportions. In his docent of the Indus system he but expanded 
the exploit of Skylax. He made use of his retreat to learn more about both 
land and sea routes into India, and he laid out towns and planned wharfage 
with a view to expanding commercial relation* betw een India and other pro- 
vinces of his great empire. Nearchm and Aristoboulos, companions of 
Alexander, brought back to Persia and Greece much information about the 
East. In other respects his invasion of India served to increase Indo-Pcreian 
interests. His intercourse with the ascetics at Taxila culminated in the 
presence of Kalanos in his company. That famous Indian finally caused 
himself to be committed to the fiamea in Persia. But the most significant 
single event of his Indian campaign had to do with his meeting with Chandra- 
gupta. Out of this incident grew the long period of intercourse between Greek 
rulers in Persia and the Mauryas. 

The death of Alexander marks the beginning of new aspects of Indo- 

Brief Outline of Indo- Iranian Contacts 57 

Iranian relationship!. While Seleucus was consolidating his power at Babylon. 
Chandragupta was creating the vast Maurya Empire. In due time Seleucus 
contested Chandragupta’s dominion orcr old Persian border satrapies. In the 
end an alliance was formed, which left the latter in possession of his western 
provinces and established at the same time friendly and enduring relations 
between the two powers. Of the Selcucid ambassadors at the Maury an court, 
Megasthenes did most for Indo-Persian relationships. He brought back with 
him the best account* of India that the Greeks ever had. Furthermore, 
Patrocles, who held command in the eastern provinces of Iran under 
the two early Selcucid*. used first-hand sources for his information about 

In eastern Iran the effect of Alexander’s campaigns was of long duration. 
Both Seleucus and his successor*, and the Bactrim and Parthian Empires 
which were finally struck off from their dominions, were in touch with the 
Indian borderlands. Rulers of the Bactrim and Parthian houses long exer- 
cised authority in the Panjab and Sind; and petty states in the north-west 
under the rule of their descendents survived the dissolution of both of tl»e 
upland Empires. Some of these rulers were partly affected by Indian culture. 
Demetrios styled himself 'King of the Indians’, and Menander esme under 
Buddhist influence. Some of the Bactrim coins show distinctively Indian 
characters. From the Parthian* come the terms ’Satrap’ and ‘Great Satrap’ 
once used by rulers in western India. 

Before following further the course of events in the north-west from the 
point of view of the west, it will he well to turn for ■ space to the east, and to 
consider event* from that direction. Chandragupta, taking advantage of tlie 
death of Alexander, revolted and then established himself on the throne of 
Magudha. His borders reached well into the uplands beyond the Indus. 
After he and Seleucus had come to terms, diplomatic relations were main- 
tained between the two powers. Some of the ambassadors at the Indian court 
became famous for all time. They carried s knowledge of India to the West. 
Solid mutual commercial interests were maintained. Customs were imposed 
and passports required at the frontier. Bmdusara continued the relationships 
established by his father. 

The great Asoka, grandson of Chandragupta, was something of an inter- 
nationalist. He included the West within his missionary aims. His inscrip- 
tions mention countries as far west as the eastern Mediterranean. The Maurya 
court was affected by Persian customs, and Asoka ’s personal cult or ceremonial 
shows some Magian practices. The pillared hall of Patna was modelled after 
the Achaenecian palaces. Asoka’s pillars show Persian influence both in style 
and in finish. Even before the time of Asoka. coinage in the Panjab shows 
Greek forms and terra-cottas bear the impress of the West. And in the cen- 
turies just preceding the Christian era there is evidence of borrowing from 
the composite art and architecture of Greek, Scythian, Persian, and Meso- 
potamian cultures. The gateways of Sanci show Persian elements, and 
the artificial caves of the third century are but the expansion of Persian 

5 8 George W. Briggs 

Baclria and Parthai gave place in India to the Scythians by way <»f Siestan 

and Sind, The rulere bore the Persian title ‘Great King of Kings’ Persian 

influence of the period may be seen, for example, in the architecture at 
Mathura, one of the Scythian capitals. The Scythians were superseded in the 
north-west by the Kushanaa, the seat of whose power in India was not always 
the centre of interest for the early rulers of this tribe. For their campaigns 
reached into central Alia. Kanishka followed the practice of his Parthian 
predecessors in adopting a loose form of Zoroastrianism which freely admitted 
the deities of other creeds. The Scythian and the Kushana served as media 
for the interchange of Persian and Indian interests and influences. 

While in India the Parthian was followed by the Scythian and the Kushana, 
in Persia he give place to the Sassinian dynasty. This was the golden age in 
Iran, when Zoroastrianism was revived and the royal splendour shed its light 
over that great land. The founder of a new faith. Mani, is supposed to have 
found refuge for a time in India. Shahpur the Crest and Bahram Gur were 
engaged with the Huns on their eastern border, and the latter is reported to 
have received certain territories on the lower Indus. The Huns were a pro- 
blem both to the Sassanians and to the Guptas. Tradition has it that Bahrain 
Gur introduced Gypsies from India into Persia. In the sixth century Noshir- 
wan recovered Balk from the Huns, and Nrstorun Christians carried their 
missionary activitie* into India. Indian fablw were brought into Persian 
literature and chess was introduced from India. 

Noteworthy of the Gupta era was the extensive intellectual activity carried 
on in India by the great emperors of the Dynasty, due to lively and constant 
cxdwnge of ideas with foreign lands both east and west. The Ajunta frescoes, 
for example, record intercourse between India and Persia. Greek influence is 
seen in sculpture of the period. Tiade route* were open through Persia from 
India to the Mediterranean. 

It may be concluded with Smith that ’there can be no doubt that ancient 
India was largely indebted to Iranian ideas and practices’. On the other hand, 
the wealth of India, the land of mystery, must have yielded, over many 
centuries, vast treasures to the aggressive powers of the west, and her cultural 
influences on the Plateau and Western Asia must have been not inconsiderable. 
Intercourse over the great highways must have been practically continuous 
from remote antiquity. History reveals but a segment of an extensive and 
almost uninterrupted interchange of commodities and ideas. 

The seventh century (aj>.) saw the rise of Islam in western Asia. Although 
the Arabs reached Sind early, their influence in that land was slight. But the 
Muslim power quickly overran Persia and thence extended itself eastward. 
In Persia the religion of the Crescent met Zoroastrianism. Followers of the 
ancient Prophet paid the poll-tax and retained their religion. But the con- 
querors held the Persians in contempt and life was hard; and early in the 
eighth century a company o: Zoroastrians migrated to the west coast of India. 
In time Persian cultural influences asserted themselves over Muslim rulers in 
Iran. Then the rich qualities of Persian civilization travelled with the Muslims 
into India. In the tenth century Mahmud of Ghazn: embellished his capital 

Brie) Outline of I ndo- Iranian Contacts 59 

with wealth and monuments from India, and with poets and literature and 
art from Persia. Sir John Marshall says: 

'At that time Persia occupied an all-important place in the world of 
Islamic art. Her genius was of the mimetic rather than of the creative 
order, but she possessed a magic gift for absorbing the artistic creations of 
other countries and refining them to her own standard of perfection. 
Situated as she was in the heart of the Middle East, she became the crucible 
in which the arts of Turku tan and China on the one side, and of Mesopo- 
tamia, Syria, and the Byzantine Empire on the other, were fused together 
and transmuted into new forms and from which they issued afresh with the 
indelible stamp of Persian beauty upon them. And the channel by which 
this stream of art flowed southward into India was Ghazni. Ghazni, how- 
ever, was more than a mere medium for the dissemination of Islamic art. 
All the culture and magnificence which in the ninth and tenth centuries had 
belonged to the Samanid dynasty of North-Eastern Persia, had passed, as 
if by the natural right of inheritance, to the Ghaznavids, and under Mahmud 
the Great and his immediate successors, Ghazni became famous among all 
the cities of the Caliphate for the splendour of its architecture. . . .' 

Early in the thirteenth century Genghis Khan entered Persia and pursued 
Jalalud-Din to the lower Indus, reaching Multan. Tamerlane included both 
India and Persia within the range of his power. He sacked Delhi. These men 
of central Asia were not unaware of the intimate relations that joined India 
with Persia. Not only was there this constant movement into India from 
beyond the p*wm, there was also an India outlook towards Persia. Taglakh 
Shall, early in the fourteenth century, attempted the conquest of Khurasan. 
Muslim dynasties in India were greatly influenced by Persia. The Janpur 
kings (1399-1476) were all patrons of Persian and Arabic literature. The great 
Moghuls were not limply India-minded. The most illustrious of Timur’s 
descendenu, Babor, founder of the Moghul Empire, was interested in 
dominions beyond the Indus as well. He lies buried in Kabul. His son 
I Iamayun was a fugitive in Peraui and it was from that country that he returned 
to re-establish himself upon the throne of Delhi. Bibar was a cultured gentle- 
man, interested in Persian literature. Lane-Pool says that this man was an 
accomplished Persian poet and continues : 'To the daring and the restlessness 
of the nomad Tartar he joined the culture and urbanity of the Persian.' Of 
Persian historians of the Moghul period at least one lived at Babar’s court 
in India. Poem like Sadi were celebrated in India. Persian became and con- 
tinued to be the language of the Moghul court. Babar formed an alliance with 
Shah Ishmail of the Safavi dynasty. At the same time the strife between 
India and Persia for possession of frontier strongholds was intermittent. 
But Kandahar was finally lost by Shahjehan to Shah Abbas. Of the Islamic 
influences reaching India through Persia, two arc worthy of note; the exten- 
sion of the Shia faith and the influences of the Sufis. Akbar was interested 
in Persian mysticism. Sufism was not uninfluenced by Indian thought. Art 
and architecture of the early period in India has been called Indo- Islamic. 

60 George W. Briggs 

Muslims brought their ideas and canons with them into India, but they came 
into contact with Indian craftsmen and in the end a blend was effected, in 
which the Indian was not lcet, but in which he seems to have gained the 
mastery. The influence of Persia on Indian architecture has been constant. 

Of late conquerors of note we find Nadir Shah, who won dominion in 
Persia and then turned his attention towards India. He was ignorant neither 
of her wealth nor of the weakness of the empire of the Moghuls of hia day. 
He took and finally sacked Delhi and carried away with him loot valued at 
50,000,000 pounds, and the famous Peacock Throne. He re-established the 
western hounds of the old Persian empire. 

With the sixteenth century Persia enters a new sphere of interests and takes 
a new position both in commerce and politics. And from the days of Shah 
Abbas there has been struggle between Europeans for balance of power and 
control of trade. British influence teems to be paramount to-day. Tire baao 
for negotiations and for campaigns from the beginning of the modem period 
has been India. 

Thus far attention has been confined to Indo- Iranian contact* by land. 
There has been, however, from ancient times, contact with India by sea, from 
the Persian Gulf. Here trade has flowed continually. Persia hat Iwen 
interested in this commerce. Cities on the Gulf have been the centres of 
exchange where good* from India and the East have been trans-shipped for 
destinations in Egypt and the levant either by way of the Red Sea or of 

A great deal of this commerce was with the west and the south of India, 
but some of it belonged to the Indus valley. Interest in trade with the north- 
west may explain in part Danin's motives in sending Skylsx on his voyage 
of exploration; it certainly waa in the mind of Alexander in the expedition of 
Nearchus. Around the Christian Era tliere was undoubtedly trade between 
the upper Indus and the West by way of the river and the sea. In later times 
Nothirwan possessed on the Persian Gulf an important mart for commerce 
with India. Still later, when the Partis migrated to India, they travelled via 
Ormuzd. In the struggle between the European powers for the trade of the 
east, India was the base of operations against the cities of the Persian Gulf. 
To-day British activities in Persia are directed by the Government of India. 

Dress University, Madison. 




I N the famous confession of faith of the Mazdayasnians two words occur, 
of which, as it seems, the precise grammatical value has, up to now, not been 
clear. Yuan a xii. 8 runs : mazdayasrfi zaiapuitrii fraiaranl astQtascS fravar*- 
tascH astuyi humatjm wianO, &c., and cp. Vend. iii. 40: yezi achat aitatO ta 
aivsisravand rJ iafncpn mtedayatrtim. The meaning of the words is dear, but 
how are the participles in to- to be explained ? They cannot have a passive 
meaning, and the remark of Banholomae in his Altiraniiches WSrterbuch, 
column 1 594, that they are used *absol.\ which means as absolutives’, is rather 
incomprehensible. Now, it is a well-known fact, that of verba deponentia the 
participle in -tax (-tus in Latin) has active m e a n i n g, cp. Skt. t zirabdha 
( vibambhaU ) ‘confident*, amadraUha (a amirabhate ) ‘having taken hold of an- 
other who stands before him*. Latin oblitus, profectus, ampUxut, See. The 
participles OstOta and fravarita belong equally to deponentia media: Astuyi 
(Ostuvi) and /ravarSnJ. So the words mean simply: *1 confess myself as 
a Mazdayasnian and an adherent of Zarathultra, swearing upon thia religion 
and confessing myself to it. I swear upon good thought', &c. 


There is ■ puzzle in the following passage of Yarns ix. 8 : yqm drujm fraca 
kjrsntaf aorD ntamytd, because everywhere else the compound \» fakrrtnUdti', 
only once more we find fraca, in Vend. vii. ra: maxdayasna aita vattrd fraca 
harintm mca kanaym, but it is dear that here at least fraca is fra ta, just m 
mca is nl ca. So here there is no word /rata, which Bartholomae and Reichelt 
explain as an instrumental of frqs. How, then, 1* fraca in Yasna ix. 8 to he 
explained? The syllable ra cannot be missed, as dght syllables arc wanted. 
There might be two possibilities: firstly we might surmise that the original 
reading waa a pluperfect : fra-cakjr/ra{, which could easily be changed into 
kirmtat, because this form was more current. But it might also he possible to 
say that fraca occurs here instead of simple fra, by influence of such passages 
as the one cited from the Vendidad. 


The epithet in upa&a.bmry*i of the jakika (the courtezan) in the passage 
Yasna, ix. 3a: posts jafuMayO* yatumainii maadanaJutiry<ai upaito. baity Si 
. . . kshrpim . . . haoma zaire, vadarrjaidi, has found no explanation whatever, 
As four MSS., however, read not m UF but ’sta\ perhaps the original reading 
was upasltl. hairy ai. Now, as * and v are often interchanged, upastaPatrt 

62 W. C aland 

might be equal to upast drain, fan. to upastOcan (cp. Skt. rtavart to rtdvan, 
Av. aldvairl to aituxa i, and ctrpataurvcrt)-, in Skt. the word upasthavan 
occurs several time* in Baudh. Sri. (see the Index of words). If this conjecture 
is well founded, the meaning is: ‘she who neirs herself (to men)’. 


University of Utrecht. 


K CENT discoveries in Egypt and Mesopotamia have added so much to 
ur knowledge of ancient kings that it is permissible to re-examine the 
early conception of kingship. We are being taken back to a more and more 
remote past, and the interesting fact is emerging that in stories and traditions 
about the heroes of old which used to be regarded as pure myths and legends 
there is at least an historical kernel. Another arresting revelation is that in 
some cases kingship, so far from being regarded as a gradual development, is 
placed at the very beginning of civilization. For some peoples it seems to 
have been impossible to conceive of a time when there were no kings. 

It is proposed here to consider in particular the conceptions of kingship 
current in ancient times among the Egyptians, Sumerians, Assyrians, Baby- 
lonians, Iranians, and Hebrews. The reason for beginning with the Egyptians 
is not that they necessarily represent the most ancient civilization, but that 
they have on the whole left us more records of their beliefs and practices. 
The question of priority of civilization is still a matter of controversy, and 
can hardly be settled until more archaeological discoveries have been made. 

It has been pointed out that at all periods of Egyptian history and through- 
out all the cosmogenic religions of Egypt, it haa l*eem the outstanding charac- 
teristic of the king that in a literal sense he is either an incarnation of the god 
who made the world, or his son. He is never a mere representative or inter- 
preter or vicar of the Supreme God; but is either the god himself manifest 
on earth in a human body or the god'a own son. 1 The king ia styled 'well- 
beloved son’ of the gods, and the goddesses make him their true child by 
giving him milk from their breasts in token of adoption.* One of the most 
characteristic epi theta applied to him is that of 'Good Cod'. The Pharaoh 
was thus 'the living image and continuation of that "Good Being”, called 
Osiris, who was the fint god reigning on the earth in human form’.* He 
was known also as ‘the great god’ and ‘the Horns’.* 

Consecrated by various magico- religious ceremonies, it seems to have been 
felt that the king from time to time needed to be re-consecrated This seems 
to have been the purpose of the Sed-festival, described by J. H. Breasted as 
probably the oldest religious festival of which any trace has been preserved 
in Egypt.* Though the festival is in honour of, and under the patronage of, 
the god Amon, it is the king himself who is worshipped. Indeed, whoever 
the god is in whose honour the king celebrates a festival, the apotheosis of 
himself is always one of the chief objects of a Pharaoh. This is well shown in 
the sculptures and inscriptions of the Festival-Hall of Osorkon II. The 
sculptures represent the king as enclosed in a sanctuary, worshipped by 

1 G. Fouant m Hastiaart ERE. rii, .9x4, p. 7««- CL J. H. Br»m*d. A Hufery c/ Egyf. 
1919. p. 74- ’ Foueart, Lc_ p. 71s*. ' Foucart. Lc.. p. 7IJ0 and 6. 

4 Cf. the lemerfcab* deeexipsoo o I Km* Merenpah^the Amoilmi Papynu m g-.veo by 

64 Maurice A. Carney 

himself, receiving the homage of a god, and holding in his hands the emblems 
of Osiris. He is identified also with Harm in a sentence speken by a priest : 
‘Haros rises and rests on his Southern throne, then happens the joining of 
the sky to the earth, four times’. Since the identification of the king on liis 
throne with Hcn-s is one of the ways by which the endowment with royal 
power, or the coronation, is expressed, there is reason to believe that Osorkon 
in celebrating the Scd-fes rival celebrates also the anniversary of his coming 
to the throne, that is to say, of his coronation. 1 The festival, which waa con- 
nected with the calendar, and apparently with a period of thirty years, seems 
to indicate that the king took possession anew of the whole land. 

In the Egyptian ‘Romance of Sinuhe’, which relates the adventures of a 
man who fled from Egypt to Palestine in 1970 b.c., Sinuhe describes himself 
as singing the praises of the divine king, the Pharaoh, 'the god who has none 
like him. before whom no other existed'. The same idea of the king is found 
in the Amarna Letters.* But the Pharaoh is not only a god. He is also a 
priest, and indeed, as Adolf Erevan says, the pr.est of all the gods. 'Whenever 
we enter an Egyptian temple, we see the king represented offering his sacrifice 
to the gods.'* 

Of the many things which represented the insignia of kingship in Egypt 
three :n particular may be noted here: the crook, the horn, and the arm or 
hand. King Pepi, for example, it represented with the flail and the crook. 
The ihcpherd’a crook denoted especially the kingship of Osiris, and the sign 
for it, htk, was used also as the ideogram of the word hek 'to rule'. 4 The god 
Ra sometimes has the disk with ram’s horns, and Osiris sometimes has a 
crown with horns.* A mote remarkable aign is that wliich has been identified 
by W. M. Flinders Petrie as the arms of Oiiris A sign constating of the arms 
and shoulders of a man is represented frequently behind kings. Sometimes 
it has the anhh, or sign of life, hanging from each arm, sometimes two ankhs 
on each arm. This indicates that it is a potent agent, a possessor or giver of 
life. The sign is found in one of the pylon scenes in the Palace of Aprics 

* Edouard N.vill., 7 Jk /V.inui'-tfafi OmsHstm //. Tenth Memoir of the Egy pc Explora- 
tion Fund, 189a, pp. 10 b, 13, iS a. *3 a. 

* Cambridge Ancient History, i, 19*9. P 

• Lift in Ancient Egypt, 1894. P- *7- * Wiedemann. op. dt.. p. *93- 

• J. A. MacCuUoth. m Hasuno. ERE. *i. 1913. p. 79* a. The bora may be nd to be 
a special mark of divinity. McCulloch noeea thae ike Egyptian Hathor ia represented 

a mw’s head and horn", or merely with horn*. Ida ia usually represented aa having a pair of 
homi with the uJr or lunar dials between. Nephrhys has the home and disk. Illustrations of 
these and other deities with horns will be found in Wsedermann't Religion of the Ancient 
Egyptians, 1897. pp. 15. 1 19. tjo. i«j. «$0- I» Babylonia the higher gods often have a head- 
dress with a double pair of home or a crown of boeae (Bruno Meissner, RahylonUn tend 
Anyrien, i, 19*0, p. 317, ef. p. s?s\ The goddess Kintu has a bora mi her head. In an 
Assyrian inscription the god Sin is described as ' light- bearer (?) of heaven and earth, bearer of 
the lofty horas, who is clothed in splendour’ (D. D. I jjrhnbsll. Ancient Records of Assyria and 
Babylonia, i. iga6. p. ao$). The king Narim-Sm is also represented with horns (Meissner, 
op. dt., i, jl). In fhiddhist mythology Yarns, who is related to the Aveetan Yimi, has horn*. 
The primary tignificanca of horns ha* been explained to be that of protacrar* and givers of life. 
See M. A. Canney, Givers if Life, 19*3. p. 50; .Vrsuwsr cf Life, Calcutta. 19*8, pp. 7a. 81 L 
Cp. F. T. El worthy. Hams of Hessevr , 1900, pp. l-8o. When Jesus was mocked by the 
Reman soldiers a crown of thorns was placed ec his head. Was the idea: a crown of thorns 
instead of a crown of horns l See further below, p. 66. 

Ancient Conceptions oj Kingship 65 

(Memphis II), where, however, it has a cylinder seal hanging from one arm, 
a mark not of divinity but of royalty. It would aeen to belong to a nome. 
Representing a human chest and arms, possessing authority and life, the 
object would seem to belong to a deified king and to be in fact the relic of the 
king Osiris preserved in the Metelite nome. At first the arms were perhaps 
the actual dried arms of Osiris which hsd been carefully preserved. 'In 
historic ages they were probably a cartormage model of a chest and arms 
which were carried to the investiture, and laid on the shoulders of the new 
ruler to confer the virtues of the royal office.’ 1 

We find virtually the same conception of kingship among the Sumerians. 
The Sumerians were unable to picture a time when the kingship did not exist 
among them, and they thought of their early lungs as gods. They preserve a 
tradition according to which several kings ruled before the Flood and a long 
succesaion of kings after it. One of the king-lists says: ‘The Flood came. 
After the Flood came, kingship was tent down from on high.** This suggests 
that after an interruption known as the Flood, the kingship was re -established 
by strangers, for strangers seem to have been thought of in ancient times aa 
aky-folk.J In any case, it is interesting to find in the list of kings names 
corresponding to some which were known already as those of divine heroes 
in myths and legends. The amedihivian Durauri, ‘the shepherd', is Tammuz 
or Adonis, commonly regarded as a vegetation-god. and he figures also in the 
dynasty of Erech, where he is described as ‘the fisherman*. Gilgamcah of 
Erech is the hero of the giest legend which includes the story of the Flood. 
I.tigalbanda 'the shepherd' is described as a god. Mcs-ki-sg-gs-sc-ir is a son 
of the Sun-god. Etans, ‘the shepherd', is a divine hero who flew to heaven 
on the back of an eagle.* The hero of a Sumerian version of the Deluge- 
story, Ziusudu, is described as 'the king . . . priest of the god’. This, aa 
L. W. King has said, accords with the tradition that before the Deluge the 
land was governed by a succession of supreme rulers, just as it was after the 
Deluge, and that the hero of the Deluge-story was the last of the antediluvian 
kings.’ In the same document the foundation of the 'kingdom' in Babylonia 
is represented as an essential part of Creation. 6 Thus the king is viewed in 

• W. M. Flinders Puri*. Tkr Palate 4 Aprie, {Merepkit IT). 1009. Peerie note, (hat 
Alexandria, with its grott Mat of (Mrie-Sorepw worship in the Serapnan. ni in the Metelite 
nome ; that each Ou.ttian pet ,t.«h there -rt, comeerated by Urin, on him the dried hand of 
the first patriarch or hiahop; and that the cucora. with the tide of patriarch, iteni to have 
been taken over with the older «or*ap of the Senpeum. 

• Sidney Smith, Early Histiry / Assyria, 19*8. p. iaa;C. Leonard Woolley, The Sumerians, 
i 9 all, pat. 

» See M. A. Canney, ‘Sky-folk ia the Old Tottsmeot', Jommol the Mmdmt m Egyptian 
and Oriental Satiety, I 9 «J, P- 53 - 

• Woolley, op. fit, p. 30. S. Langdoo ia a list of kings tadtafet Elan-., Tainmu*. and 

GUgaroeth, adding in a note that thea name* ar* aemi-hietorical. See The Early Chronology 
of Sumer and E*ypt‘ in The Josomd cf BgfpUma Archaeology. ri. 19*1, p. t$i. A. T. CUy 
mention* (hat in an omen teat Etana is called fan*. Adapt teem* to have been a ruler. Zu of 
the to-called ‘Legend of the Zu bird* teem, to have been dm a bird, but a king. Mead, 
‘a shepherd.’ of the mythology appears later a* Lu*U-Marad. ‘King Marad*. See A. T. Clay, 
The Origin of Biblical Traditions. 19*3, p. 25 f- , Hebrets Debt re Story in Cuneiform, 1922, 
PP.33f-.40.42- * TegenJs ef Bobytem end Egypt in relation to Hitters Tradition. 1918, p. 67. 

• L. W. Kin*, op. eit. p. 31 ; cf. p. 58. 


66 Maurice A. Carney 

the light of a special creation. He was cither a god to start with, or, if he was 
not actually born a god, he was soon deified. The Sumerian king Dungi, the 
second king of the dynasty of Ur (e. the 25th cent. B.C.), had a long and 
prosperous reign. He was worshipped even in his life-tiine. ‘Temples were 
built to the god Dungi, or chapels provided for him in the great city- 
temples.' « The son of Dungi, Bur-Sin, received divine honours from the 
date of his accession (2398 B.C.). In an inscription it is stated that he placed a 
statue of himself in a chapel at Ur.» The deification of kings is in fact, 
according to S. H. Langdon, one of the most important aspects of Sumerian 
religion, and harmonized with the belief in the priesthood of kings. 1 

The insignia of kingship among the Sumerians s«ra to have included in 
particular a turban or a horned mitre. The horned mitre, however, would 
seem to have been more often the mark of a deity.* On inscription seals the 
deity who wears the homed mitre seems to be either the Moon or tlie Sun. 
This is interesting as we have already found the horn and the sun associated 
in Egypt.* 

According to a tradition preserved in a Babylonian document, the god Anu 
made the heavens. Then Enki created Apsfi or tlie Deep, his own dwelling- 
place. After this he created of day the Brick-god, and reeds and forests for 
building material. From the same clay he proceeded to form other deities 
and materials, including the Carpenter-god. the Smith-god. and a deity 
described as ‘the High prieat of the great gods'. Next be crested the King, 
for the equipment, according to L. W. King, of a particular temple, 'and 
finally men, that they might practise the cult in the temple so elaborately 

An interesting side-light on the investiture of a Babylonian king ia provided 
by the ritual of the New Year Festival. The festival took place at Babylon, 
and one of the items in the proceedings consisted of the ceremonial deposition 
and re-investment of the king. 

'The king came to the door of Marduk's shrine and was met by the priest, 
who took from him the regalia consisting of sceptre, ring, toothed sickle, 
and crown, and laid them before Marduk. He then struck the king on the 
cheek and pushed him into the shrine, and taking hold of his ears made 
him kneel before the god. The king then made confession and received 
absolution from the priest. He was then re-invested with the regalia and 
was again smitten on the cheek by the priest. If the blow produced tears 
the omen was favourable, if not Marduk was angry with the land and 
disaster would follow.** 

Sidney Smith thinks that the essential part of this ceremony ta in the stroke 
from the hand of the priest as the representative of the god. He notes that 

• Cambriit* A*de*t Uistor, . u »9»J. F 45* *- 

* Ibid , p. 457 f. ’ Bad., p. 4*3> 

• T. Vat, A Sursenan Adnunwrmiice Tebl« of lb. Third Lr-Dynasty 1 , <f ,hf 

Stanch. Eg. and Or. So*., jr>, 1929, p. 64- . „ . 

* See above, p. 64. Op. m, p. 109 1- 

» S. H. Hooke, The Bebyfaeisa New Year Festival*. rf iht Match. Eg. ant Or. So*., 
xiii, 19*7, P- 3*-